Mario Savio's speech before the FSM sit-in

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:02:41

(斯福总统内务部部长1941年面对纳粹德国的侵略发表演讲) 美国人代表什么？ What is an American ?Harold IckesMay 18, 1941 ? <table cellspacing="1" cellpadding="1" width="129" align="left" border="0"><tr><td><img src="http://www.edurc.com.cn/english/UploadFiles_4741/200604/20060426163502227.jpg" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" /></td><td></td><td></td></tr></table> ?This remarkable speech was delivered during an "I am an American" day meeting in New York's Central Park by Harold Ickes, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior. It came at a perilous moment in history, May of 1941, when Adolf Hitler and the Nazis seemed headed toward possible world domination. By this time, countries that had fallen to the Nazis included: Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Denmark, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and areas in North Africa. Airfields and cities in England were now under ferocious air attack from the German Luftwaffe while wolf-packs of Nazi U-boats attempted to blockade the British Isles.Many Americans, however, still questioned the wisdom and necessity of direct U.S. involvement in the European War. Pacifist sentiment was growing, while at the same time Fascism was sometimes referred to as the "wave of the future" by respected Americans, amid the onslaught of effective anti-democratic Fascist propaganda.In this speech, Harold Ickes counters that propaganda, defines what it means to be a free American, and offers a blunt assessment of the perilous future the U.S. would face standing alone against a victorious Hitler. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Harold Ickes:I want to ask a few simple questions. And then I shall answer them. What has happened to our vaunted idealism? Why have some of us been behaving like scared chickens? Where is the million-throated, democratic voice of America? For years it has been dinned into us that we are a weak nation; that we are an inefficient people; that we are simple-minded. For years we have been told that we are beaten, decayed, and that no part of the world belongs to us any longer.Some amongst us have fallen for this carefully pickled tripe. Some amongst us have fallen for this calculated poison. Some amongst us have begun to preach that the "wave of the future" has passed over us and left us a wet, dead fish. They shout--from public platforms in printed pages, through the microphones--that it is futile to oppose the "wave of the future." They cry that we Americans, we free Americans nourished on Magna Carta and the Declaration of Independence, hold moth-eaten ideas. They exclaim that there is no room for free men in the world any more and that only the slaves will inherit the earth. America--the America of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln and Walt Whitman--they say, is waiting for the undertaker and all the hopes and aspirations that have gone into the making of America are dead too. However, my fellow citizens, this is not the real point of the story. The real point--the shameful point--is that many of us are listening to them and some of us almost believe them. I say that it is time for the great American people to raise its voice and cry out in mighty triumph what it is to be an American. And why it is that only Americans, with the aid of our brave allies--yes, let's call them "allies"--the British, can and will build the only future worth having. I mean a future, not of concentration camps, not of physical torture and mental straitjackets, not of sawdust bread or of sawdust Caesars--I mean a future when free men will live free lives in dignity and in security. This tide of the future, the democratic future, is ours. It is ours if we show ourselves worthy of our culture and of our heritage. But make no mistake about it; the tide of the democratic future is not like the ocean tide--regular, relentless, and inevitable. Nothing in human affairs is mechanical or inevitable. Nor are Americans mechanical. They are very human indeed. What constitutes an American? Not color nor race nor religion. Not the pedigree of his family nor the place of his birth. Not the coincidence of his citizenship. Not his social status nor his bank account. Not his trade nor his profession. An American is one who loves justice and believes in the dignity of man. An American is one who will fight for his freedom and that of his neighbor. An American is one who will sacrifice property, ease and security in order that he and his children may retain the rights of free men. An American is one in whose heart is engraved the immortal second sentence of the Declaration of Independence. Americans have always known how to fight for their rights and their way of life. Americans are not afraid to fight. They fight joyously in a just cause. We Americans know that freedom, like peace, is indivisible. We cannot retain our liberty if three-fourths of the world is enslaved. Brutality, injustice and slavery, if practiced as dictators would have them, universally and systematically, in the long run would destroy us as surely as a fire raging in our nearby neighbor's house would burn ours if we didn't help to put out his. If we are to retain our own freedom, we must do everything within our power to aid Britain. We must also do everything to restore to the conquered peoples their freedom. This means the Germans too. Such a program, if you stop to think, is selfishness on our part. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that makes the wheels of history go around. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that wins victories. Do you know why? Because we cannot live in the world alone, without friends and without allies. If Britain should be defeated, then the totalitarian undertaker will prepare to hang crepe on the door of our own independence. Perhaps you wonder how this could come about? Perhaps you have heard "them"--the wavers of the future--cry, with calculated malice, that even if Britain were defeated we could live alone and defend ourselves single handed, even against the whole world. I tell you that this is a cold blooded lie. We would be alone in the world, facing an unscrupulous military-economic bloc that would dominate all of Europe, all of Africa, most of Asia, and perhaps even Russia and South America. Even to do that, we would have to spend most of our national income on tanks and guns and planes and ships. Nor would this be all. We would have to live perpetually as an armed camp, maintaining a huge standing army, a gigantic air force, two vast navies. And we could not do this without endangering our freedom, our democracy, our way of life. Perhaps such is the America "they"--the wavers of the future--foresee. Perhaps such is the America that a certain aviator, with his contempt for democracy, would prefer. Perhaps such is the America that a certain Senator desires. Perhaps such is the America that a certain mail order executive longs for. But a perpetually militarized, isolated and impoverished America is not the America that our fathers came here to build. It is not the America that has been the dream and the hope of countless generations in all parts of the world. It is not the America that one hundred and thirty million of us would care to live in. The continued security of our country demands that we aid the enslaved millions of Europe--yes, even of Germany--to win back their liberty and independence. I am convinced that if we do not embark upon such a program we will lose our own freedom. We should be clear on this point. What is convulsing the world today is not merely another old-fashioned war. It is a counter revolution against our ideas and ideals, against our sense of justice and our human values. Three systems today compete for world domination. Communism, fascism, and democracy are struggling for social-economic-political world control. As the conflict sharpens, it becomes clear that the other two, fascism and communism, are merging into one. They have one common enemy, democracy. They have one common goal, the destruction of democracy. This is why this war is not an ordinary war. It is not a conflict for markets or territories. It is a desperate struggle for the possession of the souls of men. This is why the British are not fighting for themselves alone. They are fighting to preserve freedom for mankind. For the moment, the battleground is the British Isles. But they are fighting our war; they are the first soldiers in trenches that are also our front-line trenches. In this world war of ideas and of loyalties we believers in democracy must do two things. We must unite our forces to form one great democratic international. We must offer a clear program to freedom-loving peoples throughout the world. Freedom-loving men and women in every land must organize and tighten their ranks. The masses everywhere must be helped to fight their oppressors and conquerors. We, free, democratic Americans are in a position to help. We know that the spirit of freedom never dies. We know that men have fought and bled for freedom since time immemorial. We realize that the liberty-loving German people are only temporarily enslaved. We do not doubt that the Italian people are looking forward to the appearance of another Garibaldi. We know how the Poles have for centuries maintained a heroic resistance against tyranny. We remember the brave struggle of the Hungarians under Kossuth and other leaders. We recall the heroic figure of Masaryk and the gallant fight for freedom of the Czech people. The story of the Yugoslavs', especially the Serbs' blows for liberty and independence is a saga of extraordinary heroism. The Greeks will stand again at Thermopylae, as they have in the past. The annals of our American sister-republics, too, are glorious with freedom-inspiring exploits. The noble figure of Simon Bolivar, the great South American liberator, has naturally been compared with that of George Washington. No, liberty never dies. The Genghis Khans come and go. The Attilas come and go. The Hitlers flash and sputter out. But freedom endures. Destroy a whole generation of those who have known how to walk with heads erect in God's free air, and the next generation will rise against the oppressors and restore freedom. Today in Europe, the Nazi Attila may gloat that he has destroyed democracy. He is wrong. In small farmhouses all over Central Europe, in the shops of Germany and Italy, on the docks of Holland and Belgium, freedom still lives in the hearts of men. It will endure like a hardy tree gone into the wintertime, awaiting the spring. And, like spring, spreading from the South into Scandinavia, the democratic revolution will come. And men with democratic hearts will experience comradeship across artificial boundaries. These men and women, hundreds of millions of them, now in bondage or threatened with slavery, are our comrades and our allies. They are only waiting for our leadership and our encouragement, for the spark that we can supply. These hundreds of millions, of liberty-loving people, now oppressed, constitute the greatest sixth column in history. They have the will to destroy the Nazi gangsters. We have always helped in struggles for human freedom. And we will help again. But our hundreds of millions of liberty-loving allies would despair if we did not provide aid and encouragement. The quicker we help them the sooner this dreadful revolution will be over. We cannot, we must not, we dare not delay much longer. The fight for Britain is in its crucial stages. We must give the British everything we have. And by everything, I mean everything needed to beat the life out of our common enemy. The second step must be to aid and encourage our friends and allies everywhere. And by everywhere I mean Europe and Asia and Africa and America. And finally, the most important of all, we Americans must gird spiritually for the battle. We must dispel the fog of uncertainty and vacillation. We must greet with raucous laughter the corroding arguments of our appeasers and fascists. They doubt democracy. We affirm it triumphantly so that all the world may hear: Here in America we have something so worth living for that it is worth dying for! The so-called "wave of the future" is but the slimy backwash of the past. We have not heaved from our necks the tyrant's crushing heel, only to stretch our necks out again for its weight. Not only will we fight for democracy, we will make it more worth fighting for. Under our free institutions, we will work for the good of mankind, including Hitler's victims in Germany, so that all may have plenty and security. We American democrats know that when good will prevails among men there will be a world of plenty and a world of security. In the words of Winston Churchill, "Are we downhearted," No, we arc not! But someone is downhearted! Witness the terrified flight of Hess, Hitler's Number Three Man. And listen to this--listen carefully: "The British nation can be counted upon to carry through to victory any struggle that it once enters upon no matter how long such a struggle may last or however great the sacrifices that may be necessary or whatever the means that have to be employed; and all this even though the actual military equipment at hand may be utterly inadequate when compared with that of other nations." Do you know who wrote that? Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf. And do you know who took down that dictation? Rudolf Hess. We will help to make Hitler's prophecy come true. We will help brave England drive back the hordes from Hell who besiege her and then we will join for the destruction of savage and blood-thirsty dictators everywhere. But we must be firm and decisive. We must know our will and make it felt. And we must hurry. Harold Ickes - May 18, 1941

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:03:14

威廉·福克纳获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说 Speech Accepting the Nobel Prize in Literature? December 10, 1949 in Stockholm Sweden<table cellspacing="1" cellpadding="1" width="190" align="left" border="0"><tr><td><img src="http://www.edurc.com.cn/english/UploadFiles_4741/200604/20060426163709661.jpg" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" /></td><td></td><td></td></tr></table>　　威廉·福克纳（William Faulkner，1897-1962）美国作家，生于美国密西西比州新奥尔巴尼的一个庄园主家，南北战争后家道中落。 　　第一次世界大战期间，福克纳在空军服过役。战后入大学，其后从事过各种职业并开始写作。《士兵的报酬》（1926）发表后，福克纳被列入"迷惘的一代"，但很快与他们分道扬镖。《萨拉里斯》（1929）问世之后，福克纳的创作进入高峰斯。他发现"家乡那块邮票般大小的地方倒也值得一写，只怕一辈子也写不完"。怀着这样的信念，他把19篇长篇和70多篇短篇小说纺织在"约克纳帕塌法世系"里，通过南方贵族世家的兴衰，反映了美国独立战争前夕到第二次世界大战之间的社会现实，创伤了20世纪的"人间喜剧"。长篇小说《喧哗与骚动》和《我弥留之际》（1930）、《圣殿》（1931）、《八月之光》（1932）、《押沙龙，押沙龙》（1936）等现代文学的经典之作。 　　福克纳后期的主要作品有《村子》（1940）、《闯入者》（1948）、《寓言》（1954）、《小镇》（1957）和《大宅》（1959）等。此外还有短篇小说、剧本和诗歌。 　　福克纳虽是南方重要作家，但他的作品当时并不受重视，直到1946年美国著名的文学批评家马尔科姆·考莱编选了《袖珍本福克纳文集》，又写了一篇有名的序言之后，福克纳才在文坛上引起重视。特别是萨特、马尔洛等人的赏识，使福克纳名声大噪。 　　在艺术上，福克纳受弗洛伊德影响，大胆地大胆地进行实验，采用意识流手法、对位结构以及象征隐喻等手段表现暴力、凶杀、性变态心理等，他的作品风格千姿百态、扑朔迷离，读者须下大功夫才能感受其特有的审美情趣。 　　1949年，"因为他对当代美国小说作出了强有力的和艺术上无与伦比的贡献"，福克纳获诺贝尔文学奖。 I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work -- life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will some day stand where I am standing.Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed -- love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands.Until he learns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. I decline to accept the end of man. It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening, that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice, still talking. I refuse to accept this. I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. The poet’s, the writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:04:22

乔丹退役演说 Jordan Retirement <table cellspacing="1" cellpadding="1" width="160" align="left" border="0"><tr><td><img src="http://www.wwenglish.com/up/2004/10/2430/Jordan_jump_shot.jpg" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" /></td><td></td></tr></table>I am here to announce my retirement from the game of basketball. It won’t be another announcement to baseball or anything to that nature.Mentally, I’m exhausted, I don’t feel I have a challenge. Physically, I feel great. The last time in 1993 I had other agendas. I felt that I wanted to play baseball and I felt that at my age, it was a good opportunity and time to do it. And with the death of my father, and I was basically trying to deal with that.Actually I talked to Jerry last year once the season ended and I told Jerry at that time, mentally, I was a little exhausted. I didn’t know if I would play next year. I wanted to put him on awareness so that he could possibly prepare going into next season. And Jerry, once we had our conversation, wanted me to take time as I did in 93 to make sure that it was the right decision because it was going to be the final decision.I retired the first time when Phil Jackson was the coach. And I think that even with Phil being the coach I would have had a tough time, mentally finding the challenge for myself. Although he can somehow present challenges for me. I don’t know if he could have presented the challenge for me to continue on to this season.%26quot; Even though middle way of this season I wanted to continue to play a couple more years, but at the end of this season I was mentally drained and tired. So I can’t say that he would have restored that. 　　 I will support the Chicago Bulls. I think the game itself is a lot bigger than Michael Jordan. I’ve been given an opportunity by people before me, to name a few, Kareem Abdul Jabbar, Doctor J, Eljohn Baylor, Jerry West. These guys played the game way before Michael Jordan was born and Michael Jordan came on the heels of all that activity. Mr Stern and what he’s done for the league, gave me an opportunity to play the game of basketball. I played it to the best I could play it, I tried to enhance the game itself. I’ve tried to be the best basketball player that I could be. 　　我在这里宣布从篮球场上退役，而且这次退役后不会再去从事棒球或其他类似的运动。 　　由于精神上很疲惫，我感到自己非常缺乏挑战力；体力倒还不错。1993年那次退役时我有其他计划：想打棒球，我这个年纪正是从事棒球事业的极佳时机。而且父亲刚好去世了，我只想尽力去面对这一切。 　　事实上，去年赛季刚结束时，我和杰里谈过一次。我告诉他我精神上有些疲惫，不知到下一年还能不能打。我想让他意识到这一点，以便为下一赛季做准备。杰里--有一次我们谈过这个问题--让我要象93年那样，好好考虑，以便作出明智的决定，因为这将是最后决定。　　第一次退役时费尔·杰克逊是教练。但我觉得既使本赛季他还担任教练，我也会很困难，内心里，我已感受到了挑战。当然无论如何，他都会给我一些应对方法的。我不知到他是否还有办法使我打完这一赛季。在本赛季中间我还想着再打几年呢，但当赛季结束时，我却感觉精神枯竭，疲惫。因此我确实不能说他会使我恢复精力。　　　　我将支持芝加哥公牛队，我认为比赛本身比迈克尔·乔丹重要得多。我的很多机会都是篮球前辈们给的。我这里指出一些：贾巴尔，J博士，韦思特。这些人早在乔丹出生前就活跃在赛场了。迈克尔·乔丹只不过是继承了他们的传统。斯特恩先生及其为联盟做出的贡献给了我打篮球的机会。我已尽我最大能力打球，我想努力推动比赛本身的发展。我一直在努力，尽我所能成为最好的球员。

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:04:42

Remarks to the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women Plenary Session by Hillary Rodham Clinton delivered 5 September 1995, Beijing, China 希拉里1995年在联合国第四届妇女大会上的演讲： 妇女的权利也是人权。 该演讲至今仍是世界妇女人权的重要篇章。 Mrs. Mongella, Under Secretary Kittani, distinguished delegates and guests: I would like to thank the Secretary General of the United Nations for inviting me to be a part of the United Nations Fourth World Conference of Women. This is truly a celebration -- a celebration of the contributions women make in every aspect of life: in the home, on the job, in their communities, as mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, learners, workers, citizens and leaders.It is also a coming together, much of the way women come together ever day in every country.We come together in fields and in factories. We come together in village markets and supermarkets. We come together in living rooms and board rooms.Whether it is while playing with our children in the park, or washing clothes in a river, or taking a break at the office water cooler, we come together and talk about our aspirations and concern. And time and again, our talk turns to our children and our families. However different we may be, there is far more that unites us than divides us. We share a common future, and are here to find common ground so that we may help bring new dignity and respect to women and girls all over the world. By doing this, we bring new strength and stability to families as well.By gathering in Beijing, we are focusing world attention on issues that matter most in the lives of women and their families: access to education, health care, jobs and credit, the chance to enjoy basic legal and human rights and participate fully in the political life of their countries.There are some who question the reason for this conference.Let them listen to the voices of women in their homes, neighborhoods, and workplaces.There are some who wonder whether the lives of women and girls matter to economic and political progress around the globe.Let them look at the women gathered here and at Huairou -- the homemakers, nurses, teachers, lawyers, policymakers, and women who run their own businesses.It is conferences like this that compel governments and people everywhere to listen, look and face the world's most pressing problems.Wasn't it after the women's conference in Nairobi ten years ago that the world focused for the first time on the crisis of domestic violence?Earlier today, I participated in a World Health Organization forum, where government officials, NGOs, and individual citizens are working on ways to address the health problems of women and girls.Tomorrow, I will attend a gathering of the United Nations Development Fund for Women. There, the discussion will focus on local -- and highly successful -- programs that give hard-working women access to credit so they can improve their own lives and the lives of their families.What we are learning around the world is that if women are healthy and educated, their families will flourish. If women are free from violence, their families will flourish. If women have a chance to work and earn as full and equal partners in society, their families will flourish.And when families flourish, communities and nations will flourish.That is why every woman, every man, every child, every family, and every nation on our planet has a stake in the discussion that takes place here.Over the past 25 years, I have worked persistently on issues relating to women, children, and families. Over the past two-and-a half years, I have had the opportunity to learn more about the challenges facing women in my own country and around the world.I have met new mothers in Jojakarta and Indonesia, who come together regularly in their village to discuss nutrition, family planning, and baby care.I have met working parents in Denmark who talk about the comfort they feel in knowing that their children can be cared for in creative, safe, and nurturing after-school centers.I have met women in South Africa who helped lead the struggle to end apartheid and are now helping build a new democracy.I have met with the leading women of the Western Hemisphere who are working every day to promote literacy and better health care for the children of their countries.I have met women in India and Bangladesh who are taking out small loans to buy milk cows, rickshaws, thread and other materials to create a livelihood for themselves and their families.I have met doctors and nurses in Belarus and Ukraine who are trying to keep children alive in the aftermath of Chernobyl.The great challenge of this Conference is to give voice to women everywhere whose experiences go unnoticed, whose words go unheard.Women comprise more than half the word's population. Women are 70% of the world's poor, and two-thirds of those are not taught to read and write.Women are the primary caretakers for most of the world's children and elderly. Yet much of the work we do is not valued -- not by economists, not by historians, not by popular culture, not by government leaders.At this very moment, as we sit here, women around the world are giving birth, raising children, cooking meals, washing clothes, cleaning houses, planting crops, working on assembly lines, running companies, and running countries.Women also are dying from diseases that should have been prevented or treated. They are watching their children succumb to malnutrition caused by poverty and economic deprivation. They are being denied the right to go to school by their own fathers and brothers. They are being forced into prostitution, and they are being barred from the band lending office and banned from the ballot box.Those of us who have the opportunity to be here have the responsibility to speak for those who could not.As an American, I want to speak up for those women in my own country梬omen who are raising children on the minimum wage, women who can抰 afford health care or child care, women whose lives are threatened by violence, including violence in their own homes.I want to speak up for mothers who are fighting for good schools, safe neighborhoods, clean air, and clean airwaves; for older women, some of them widows, who have raised their families and now find their skills and life experiences are not valued in the workplace; for women who are working all night as nurses, hotel clerks, and fast food cooks so that they can be at home during the day with their kids; and for women everywhere who simply don抰 have time to do everything they are called upon to do each day.Speaking to you today, I speak for them, just as each of us speaks for women around the world who are denied the chance to go to school, or see a doctor, or own property, or have a say about the direction of their lives, simply because they are women. The truth is that most women around the world work both inside and outside the home, usually by necessity.We need to understand that there is no formula for how women should lead their lives.That is why we must respect the choices that each woman makes for herself and her family. Every woman deserves the chance to realize her own God-given potential.We also must recognize that women will never gain full dignity until their human rights are respected and protected.Our goals for this Conference, to strengthen families and societies by empowering women to take greater control over their destinies, cannot be fully achieved unless all governments -- here and around the world -- accept their responsibility to protect and promote internationally recognized human rights.The international community has long acknowledged -- and recently affirmed at Vienna -- that both women and men are entitled to a range of protections and personal freedoms, from the right of personal security to the right to determine freely the number and spacing of the children they bear.No one should be forced to remain silent for fear of religious or political persecution, arrest, abuse or torture.Tragically, women are most often the ones whose human rights are violated.Even in the late 20th century, the rape of women continues to be used as an instrument of armed conflict. Women and children make up a large majority of the world's refugees. When women are excluded from the political process, they become even more vulnerable to abuse.I believe that, on the eve of a new millennium, it is time to break our silence. It is time for us to say here in Bejing, and the world to hear, that it is no longer acceptable to discuss women's rights as separate from human rights.These abuses have continued because, for too long, the history of women has been a history of silence. Even today, there are those who are trying to silence our words.The voices of this conference and of the women at Huairou must be heard loud and clear:It is a violation of human rights when babies are denied food, or drowned, or suffocated, or their spines broken, simply because they are born girls.It is a violation of human rights when woman and girls are sold into the slavery of prostitution.It is a violation of human rights when women are doused with gasoline, set on fire and burned to death because their marriage dowries are deemed too small.It is a violation of human rights when individual women are raped in their own communities and when thousands of women are subjected to rape as a tactic or prize of war.It is a violation of human rights when a leading cause of death worldwide along women ages 14 to 44 is the violence they are subjected to in their own homes.It is a violation of human rights when women are denied the right to plan their own families, and that includes being forced to have abortions or being sterilized against their will.If there is one message that echoes forth from this conference, it is that human rights are women's rights -- and women's rights are human rights. Let us not forget that among those rights are the right to speak freely -- and the right to be heard.Women must enjoy the right to participate fully in the social and political lives of their countries if we want freedom and democracy to thrive and endure.It is indefensible that many women in nongovernmental organizations who wished to participate in this conference have not been able to attend -- or have been prohibited from fully taking part.Let me be clear. Freedom means the right of people to assemble, organize and debate openly. It means respecting the views of those who may disagree with the views of their governments. It means not taking citizens away from their loved ones and jailing they, mistreating them, or denying them their freedom or dignity because of the peaceful expression of their ideas and opinions.In my country, we recently celebrated the 75th anniversary of women's suffrage. It took 150 years after the signing of our Declaration of Independence for women to win the right to vote.It took 72 years of organized struggle on the part of many courageous women and men. It was one of America's most divisive philosophical wars. But it was also a bloodless war. Suffrage was achieved without a shot being fired.We have also been reminded, in V-J Day observances last weekend, of the good that comes when men and women join together to combat the forces of tyranny and build a better world.We have seen peace prevail in most places for a half century. We have avoided another world war.But we have not solved older, deeply-rooted problems that continue to diminish the potential of half the world's population.Now it is time to act on behalf of women everywhere.If we take bold steps to better the lives of women, we will be taking bold steps to better the lives of children and families too.Families rely on mothers and wives for emotional support and care; families rely on women for labor in the home; and increasingly, families rely on women for income needed to raise healthy children and care for other relatives.As long as discrimination and inequities remain so commonplace around the world -- as long as girls and women are valued less, red less, fed last, overworked, underpaid, not schooled and subjected to violence in and out of their homes -- the potential of the human family to create a peaceful, prosperous world will not be realized.Let this Conference be our -- and the world's -- call to action.And let us heed the call so that we can create a world in which every woman is treated with respect and dignity, every boy and girl is loved and cared for equally, and every family has the hope of a strong and stable future.Thank you very much.May God bless you, your work and all who will benefit from it

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:05:52

Tony Blair's speech on returning to Downing Street<table width="100%"><tr><td width="600"></td><td> </td></tr></table>6 May 2005 5月6日，工党在英国大选中获得胜利，英国首相布莱尔也成为工党历史上第一位三次蝉联首相职务的领导人。然而，和上一届大选的结果相比，工党在议会中的绝对优势大大被削弱，保守党和****党的席位则出现增加，执政党和在野党之间的差距缩小。所以，许多分析人士将工党的此次获胜称为“失败的胜利”。5月6日，英国首相布莱尔在觐见英女王后在伦敦唐宁街10号首相府门前发表讲话。 Tony Blair: I've just come from Buckingham Palace where the Queen has asked me to form a new government which I will do.It's a tremendous honour and privilege to be elected for a third term and I'm acutely conscious of that honour and that privilege.When I stood here first eight years ago I was a lot younger but also a lot less experienced.Today as well as having in our minds the priorities that people want, we, I, the government, has the knowledge, as well as the determination and commitment, to deliver them.The great thing about the election is that you go out and talk to people for week upon week.And I've listened and I've learned, and I think I've a very clear idea what the people now expect from the government in a third term.And I want to say to them very directly that I, we, the government, are going to focus relentlessly now on the priorities that people have set for us.What are those priorities? First they like the strong economy, but life is still a real struggle for many people and many families in this country and they know there are new issues: help for first time buyers to get their feet on the first rungs of the housing ladder; families trying to cope with balancing work and family life; many people struggling to make ends meet; many families on low incomes who desperately need help and support to increase their living standards; businesses who whilst they like the economic stability, want us also to focus on stimulating enterprise on investing in science and skills and technology for the future.It's very clear what people want us to do and we will do it.Second in relation to the public services, health and education, again people like the investment that has gone into public services, they welcome it. I have found absolutely no support for any suggestion we cut back that investment.The people want that money to work better for them, they want higher standards, both of care and of education for the investment we are putting in.And so we will focus on delivering not just the investment but the reform and change of those public services and I will do so with passion, because I want to keep universal public services that know that the only way of keeping the consent for them is by making the changes necessary for the twenty-first century.And third, people welcome the fact that so many more people are in work and have moved off benefit and into work, but people still know there are too many people economically inactive who should to be helped off benefit and into work.And they also know that, whatever help we are giving today's pensioners, tomorrow's pensioners are deeply concerned as to whether they will have the standard of life that they want.People expect us to sort out these issues, we will do so.And fourth, I've also learnt that the British people are a tolerant and decent people, they did not want immigration made a divisive issue in the course of the election campaign, but they do believe there are real problems in our immigration and asylum system and they expect us to sort them out, and we will do so.And fifth, I've been struck again and again in the course of this campaign by people worrying that in our country today, though they like the fact we have got over the deference of the past, there is a disrespect that people don't like.And whether it's in the classroom, or on the street in town centres on a Friday or Saturday night, I want to focus on this issue. We've done a lot so far with anti-social orders and additional numbers of police.But I want to make this a particular priority for this government, how we bring back a proper sense of respect in our schools, in our communities, in our towns and our villages.And rising out of that will be a radical programme of legislation that will focus exactly on those priorities: on education; on health; on welfare reform; on immigration; on law and order.In addition I know that Iraq has been a deeply divisive issue in this country, that has been very clear.But I also know and believe that after this election people want to move on, they want to focus on the future in Iraq and here.And I know too that there are many other issues that concern people in the international agenda, and we will focus on those, on poverty in Africa, on climate change, on making progress in Israel and Palestine.So there is a very big agenda for a third-term. Even if we don't have quite the same expectations that people had of us in 1997, we now have the experience and the commitment to see it through.One final thing: I've also learnt something about the British people, that whatever the difficulties and disagreements with us, and whatever issues and challenges that confront them, their values of fairness and decency and opportunity for all, and the belief that people should be able to get on, on the basis of hard work and merit, not class and background, those values are the values I believe in, the values our government will believe in.

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:06:37

福克納　　　諾貝爾文學獎致答辭 ?演說時間：1950年 12 月 10 日　?演說地點：瑞典　斯德哥爾摩 　　二十世紀美國最偉大的作家之一，福克納（William? Faulkner, 1897-1962）， 　　作品包括《八月之光》、《聲音與憤怒》。他從小生長在美國南方，原在南方　　一所大學郵局當局長，後因上班偷看書被開除。他浪遊許多地方，最後依然回　　到南方，所有的作品都以南方為背景。一九四九年獲諾貝爾文學獎殊榮。　　這篇演說中，福克納道出年輕作者可能面臨的恐懼及他們應負的責任。　　網路廣播??<img src="http://www.chenhen.com/html/english/speech/cd.gif" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" /> <a href="http://town.hall.org/radio/HarperAudio/060194_harp_01_ITH.au" target="_blank">福克納－諾貝爾文學致答辭</a><div>　 </div><img src="http://www.chenhen.com/html/english/speech/faulkner.jpg" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" />　　全文（transcript）如下：（聽力默寫，測驗自己）<img src="http://www.chenhen.com/html/english/speech/pearl-3.jpg" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" /> I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work -- life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will some day stand where I am standing.Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed -- love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands.Until he learns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. I decline to accept the end of man. It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening, that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice, still talking. I refuse to accept this. I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. The poet?, the writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.<h4>The End</h4>

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:06:59

海明威諾貝爾獎致答辭 一九五四年十二月十日 　　第54屆諾貝爾獎頒獎典禮，海明威人在古巴，因病不克出席。 他寫了一篇致答辭，央請美國駐瑞典大使 John M. Cabot 代為宣讀。後來他自己親自錄音，請聽網路廣播???? <img src="http://www.chenhen.com/html/lit/feast/cd.gif" border="0" onclick="javascript:window.open(this.src);" alt="" style="CURSOR: pointer" onload="javascript:if(this.width>screen.width-500)this.style.width=screen.width-500;" /> <a href="http://town.hall.org/radio/HarperAudio/012494_harp_01_ITH.au" target="_blank">海明威諾貝爾獎致答辭</a>?　　全文（transcript）如下：（聽力默寫，測驗自己）　　No writer who knows the great writers who did not receive the Prize?can accept it other than with humility.? There is no need to list these writers.?Everyone here may make his own list according to his knowledge and his?conscience.????????? It would be impossible for me to ask the Ambassador of my?country to read a speech in which a writer said all of the things which are in?his heart. Things may not be immediately discernible in what a man writes,?and in this sometimes he is fortunate; but eventually they are quite clear and?by these and the degree of alchemy that he possesses he will endure or be?forgotten.　　 Writing at its best is a lonely life.? 　　Organizations for writers palliate the writer's loneliness, but I doubt?if they improve his writing.? He grows in public stature as he sheds his?loneliness? and? often his work deteriorates.? For he does his work alone,?and if he is a good enough writer,? he? must? face eternity or the lack of it?each day.　　For a true writer,? each book should be a new beginning where he tries? again for something? that is beyond attainment.?? He should always try for?something that has never been done or? that others have tried and failed.?Then sometimes, with good luck, he will succeed.　　How simple the writing of literature would be if it were only necessary?to write in another way what has been well written.?? It is because we have hadsuch great writers in the past? that a writer is driven far out past where he can go,?out to where no one can help him.??????? I have spoken too long for a writer.? A writer should write what he has to?say and not speak it.? Again? I? thank? you.

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:08:13

Keynote Speech at Microsoft Professional Developers Conference 　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Bill Gates 11 December 1997 Beijing,China Good morning. It's a great pleasure to be here. Today is a major milestone [1] for Microsoft as our first Professional Developers Conference here in China. The key partnerships we build with software developers around the world are central not only to the success of Windows but also to realize the possibility that PC technology provides. It's through applications of every variety that businesses will be using the personal computer as the tool of the Information Age. 　 It's rather amazing how fast this innovation [2] is moving. Even to keep the like of myself who are deeply involved in the industry to go and see the improvement and every element that are taking place on a yearly basis is quite fantastic. Of course one of the driving factors of this business is the exponential increase in processor performance. There is no doubt that the magic of chip capability has delivered through the advance in microprocessor allows us to think of application which never would have been possible before. The PC industry is one of the few industries that can deliver lower price equipment at the same time as improving the capabilities. The storage systems are now delivering Gigabyte of storage as the standard capability. Over 80 million of PCs are being sold a year. And the server market, the higher performance machines that these PCs networked with, are the fastest growing part of this business. The performance of those servers is increasing not only because the individual processors are faster, but also because we are using multiple-processor machines, so called SMP designs and clustering nodes together.…… Great chips, systems developers, partners who are sponsoring [3] this event, making this all possible. There is an incredible opportunity for developers. The applications that are written today will sell to an even larger base of machines out in the market. There is a lot that we're doing to increase the work of good developers-make sure they understand where the PC is going and how tools can help them now, more and more marketing type of activities making sure they got in with the customers. This is something that we are going to increase year after year.

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:09:14

南非总统曼德拉1994年就职演说Inaugural Address speech by Nelson MandelaMay 10th 1994　1994年4月26—28日　南非第一次多种族大选举行，非国大取得决定性胜利。 　1994年5月9日　多种族议会正式开幕，纳尔逊？曼德拉当选为新政府总统。 　1994年5月10日　纳尔逊？曼德拉宣誓就职总统。翌日，南非新内阁宣誓就职。As the world's most famous prisoner and, now, his country's leader, he exemplifies a moral integrity that shines far beyond South AfricaYour Majesties, Your Highnesses, Distinguished Guests, Comrades and friends:Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty.Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity's belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all.All this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today.To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld.Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change.We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom. That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression. We, the people of South Africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil.We thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity. We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy.We deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth, business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. Not least among them is my Second Deputy President, the Honourable F.W. de Klerk. We would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light.The time for the healing of the wounds has come.The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come.The time to build is upon us.We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace.We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity--a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.As a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country, the new Interim Government of National Unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment.We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free.Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward.We are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of South Africa, have bestowed on us, as the first President of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa, to lead our country out of the valley of darkness.We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom.We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success.We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.Let there be justice for all.Let there be peace for all.Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.Let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfil themselves.Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.Let freedom reign.The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement! God bless Africa!

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-6-16 12:10:29

美丽的微笑与爱心内容摘要作者介绍: 特蕾莎修女(Mother Teresa,1910-1997)，印度著名的慈善家，印度天主教仁爱传教会创始人，在世界范围内建立了一个庞大的慈善机构网，赢得了国际社会的广泛尊敬。1979年被授予诺贝尔和平奖。本文所选即好在领取该奖项时的演讲辞，语言简洁质朴而感人至深。诺贝尔奖领奖台上响起的声音往往都是文采飞扬、热烈、激昂。而特雷莎修女的演说朴实无华，其所举事例听来似平凡之至，然而其中所蕴含的伟大而神圣的爱感人至深。平凡中孕育伟大，真情才能动人。我们作文时，要善于从自己所熟知的平凡中发掘伟大，以真情来打动读者。? ? The poor are very wonderful people. One evening we went out and we picked up four people from the street. And one of them was in a most terrible condition，and I told the sisters: You take care of the other three. I take care of this one who looked worse. So I did for her all that my love can do. I put her in bed, and there was such a beautiful smile on her face. She took hold of my hand as she said just the words “thank you” and she died. I could not help but examine my conscience[良心]before her and I asked what would I say if I was in her place. And my answer was very simple. I would have tried to draw a little attention to myself. I would have said I am hungry, that I am dying, I am cold, I am in pain, or something, but she gave me much more-she gave me her grateful love. And she died with a smile on her face. As did that man whom we picked up from the drain[阴沟、下水道], half eaten with worms, and we brought him to the home. “I have lived like an animal in the street, but I am going to die like an angel, loved and cared for.” And it was so wonderful to see the greatness of that man who could speak like that, who could die like that without blaming anybody, without cursing anybody, without comparing anything. Like an angel-this is the greatness of our people. And that is why we believe what Jesus had said: I was hungry, I was naked, I was homeless, I was unwanted, unloved, uncared for, and you did it to me. 　　穷人是非常了不起的人。一天晚上，我们外出，从街上带回了四个人，其中一个生命岌岌可危。于是我告诉修女们说：“你们照料其他三个，这个濒危的人就由我来照顾了。”就这样，我为她做了我的爱所能做的一切。我将她放在床上，看到她的脸上绽露出如此美丽的微笑。她握着我的手，只说了句“谢谢您”就死了。我情不自禁地在她面前审视起自己的良知来。我问自己，如果我是她的话，会说些什么呢？答案很简单，我会尽量引起旁人对我的关注，我会说我饥饿难忍，冷得发抖，奄奄一息，痛苦不堪，诸如此类的话。但是她给我的却更多更多――她给了我她的感激之情。她死时脸上却带着微笑。我们从排水道带回的那个男子也是如此。当时，他几乎全身都快被虫子吃掉了，我们把他带回了家。“在街上，我一直像个动物一样地活着，但我将像个天使一样地死去，有人爱，有人关心。”真是太好了，我看到了他的伟大之处，他竟能说出那样的话。他那样地死去，不责怪任何人，不诅咒任何人，无欲无求。像天使一样――这便是我们的人民的伟大之所在。因此我们相信耶稣所说的话――我饥肠辘辘――我衣不蔽体――我无家可归――我不为人所要，不为人所爱，也不为人所关心――然而，你却为我做了这一切。 　　I believe that we are not real social workers. We may be doing social work in the eyes of the people, but we are really contemplatives[修行者、沉思冥想的人] in the heart of the world. For we are touching the body of Christ twenty-four hours…And I think that in our family we don’t need bombs and guns, to destroy, to bring peace, just get together, love one another, bring that peace, that joy, that strength of presence of each other in the home. And we will be able to overcome all the evil that is in the world. 　　我想，我们算不上真正的社会工作者。在人们的眼中，或许我们是在做社会工作，但实际上，我们真的只是世界中心的修行者。因为，一天24小时，我们都在触摸基督的圣体。我想，在我们的大家庭时，我们不需要枪支和炮弹来破坏和平，或带来和平――我们只需要团结起来，彼此相爱，将和平、欢乐以及每一个家庭成员灵魂的活力都带回世界。这样，我们就能战胜世界上现存的一切邪恶。 　　And with this prize that I have received as a Prize of Peace, I am going to try to make the home for many people who have no home. Because I believe that love begins at home, and if we can create a home for the poor I think that more and more love will spread. And we will be able through this understanding love to bring peace be the good news to the poor. The poor in our own family first, in our country and in the world. To be able to do this, our Sisters, our lives have to be wove with prayer. They have to be woven with Christ to be able to understand, to be able to share. Because to be woven with Christ is to be able to understand, to be able to share. Because today there is so much suffering…When I pick up a person from the street, hungry, I give him a plate of rice, a piece of bread, I have satisfied. I have removed that hunger. But a person who is shut out, who feels unwanted, unloved, terrified, the person who has been thrown out from society-that poverty is so full of hurt and so unbearable…And so let us always meet each other with a smile, for the smile is the beginning of love, and once we begin to love each other naturally we want to do something. 　　我准备以我所获得的诺贝尔和平奖奖金为那些无家可归的人们建立自己的家园。因为我相信，爱源自家庭，如果我们能为穷人建立家园，我想爱便会传播得更广。而且，我们将通过这种宽容博大的爱而带来和平，成为穷人的福音。首先为我们自己家里的穷人，其次为我们国家，为全世界的穷人。为了做到这一点，姐妹们，我们的生活就必须与祷告紧紧相连，必须同基督结结一体才能互相体谅，共同分享，因为同基督结合一体就意味着互相体谅，共同分享。因为，今天的世界上仍有如此多的苦难存在……当我从街上带回一个饥肠辘辘的人时，给他一盘饭，一片面包，我就能使他心满意足了，我就能躯除他的饥饿。但是，如果一个人露宿街头，感到不为人所要，不为人所爱，惶恐不安，被社会抛弃――这样的贫困让人心痛，如此令人无法忍受。因此，让我们总是微笑想见，因为微笑就是爱的开端，一旦我们开始彼此自然地相爱，我们就会想着为对方做点什么了。 <div>此帖由 Lepapillon0311 在 2006-06-16 12:15 进行编辑...</div>

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Mario Savio&#39;s speech before the FSM sit-in

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Mario Savio's speech before the FSM sit-in