经济学人：秘密外交诡异的外交纪实：朝鲜领导人佯装没有访问他的赞助人

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在中国外交世界中一个昏暗的角落，共产主义兄弟们似乎只能秘密地行动。即使朝鲜隐居的领导人金正日四年来第一次为外界所知的出国参访就来到了中国的港口城市，中国官方仍然拒绝证实他在国内停留的消息。金正日喜欢秘密的行动，中国也只能勉强地迁就他。
　　但据韩国媒体称，金正日的专列，确实在5月3日穿越了边境进入中国城市丹东，并从那里前往附近的港口大连。接着他继续前往北方城市天津,并在北京与中国领导人会晤。金正日期望能够为他破旧、愚昧的国家争取更多的食物与援助。而中国希望他可以答应重回六方会谈--同中国、美国、韩国、日本和俄罗斯一起商讨关于朝鲜取消核计划的问题。
　　中国深切希望金正日能够遵守规则。如果世界上有一个国家愿意推广"中国发展模式"，这个国家便是朝鲜。但是中国如今的努力以刺激它的近邻接受中国式改革就好象像重演当年美国力推中国走上自由道路的场景一样。这些尝试都伴随着对失败可能的预期。
　　上一次金正日出国访问是在2006年（关于这次访问直到他回国前都没有任何官方声明），他去了中国的南方城市深圳，这里紧邻香港，是中国经济改革的发源地。据文汇报（香港一家与中国***关系紧密的媒体）引用观察员评论，金正日此行很可能是因为这些开放特区的经验使朝鲜可以从中"吸取灵感"。但到底是否如此呢？

　　这次，中国日报,这是北京一家政府控制的报纸（奇怪地引用自韩国联合通讯社），注意到金正日此行的第一站--大连是"一个作为市场改革的模范的北方港口城市"。这是一个与金正日的国家截然不同的世界：充满生气、繁荣、到处耸立着高科技的工厂，其中很多是由外商投资的。但是如果金正日想要在他的家乡复制大连的经验，他现在看上去却完全不知从何开始。

英文原文：


Annals of weird diplomacy
North Korea’s leader pretends not to be visiting his patrons
IN A musty corner of China’s diplomatic world, it seems, communist brethren are permitted to move about unseen. Even as North Korea’s reclusive leader, Kim Jong Il, was touring Chinese port cities on his first known foreign trip in four years, Chinese officials were refusing to confirm that he was even in the country. Mr Kim likes to travel furtively and China grudgingly humours him.
But Mr Kim’s train, say South Korea’s media, did chug over the border into the Chinese city of Dandong on May 3rd and from there headed to the nearby port of Dalian. He then proceeded to the northern city of Tianjin and thence to Beijing for meetings with Chinese leaders. Mr Kim was expected to ask for more food and aid for his blighted, benighted country. China wants him in return to agree to re-enter negotiations with itself, America, South Korea, Japan and Russia about dismantling his nuclear programmes.

China dearly wishes Mr Kim would behave normally. If there is one country where it would like to promote a “China model” of development (see article), it is North Korea. But efforts to prod its neighbour into adopting Chinese-style reforms are reminiscent of the way America tries to nudge China onto a more liberal path. The attempts are guarded by an anticipation of failure.
On Mr Kim’s previous trip abroad in 2006 (no word of which was officially announced until he had gone home), he went to the southern city of Shenzhen, on the border with Hong Kong and the cradle of China’s economic reforms. Wen Wei Po, a newspaper in Hong Kong closely aligned with the Chinese Communist Party, quoted an unnamed observer as saying Mr Kim might have made the trip because the trendsetting region had the kind of experience that North Korea could “draw inspiration from”. How wrong can you be?
This time China Daily, a government-controlled newspaper in Beijing (oddly quoting Yonhap, a South Korean news agency), noted that Dalian, Mr Kim’s first stop, was “a northeast port city known as a model of market reforms”. It is indeed a world apart from anything Mr Kim will have seen in his own country: vibrant, prosperous and replete with high-tech factories, many of them built with the help of foreign investment. But if Mr Kim dreams of replicating Dalian’s experience at home, he shows no sign of understanding how to begin.
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