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中国国际关系智囊团

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发表于 2006-3-17 16:40:21 | 只看该作者 回帖奖励 |正序浏览 |阅读模式
<p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">中国国际关系智囊团</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman""></span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><p></p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">在过去的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><font face="Times New Roman">20</font></span><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">年里中国的国际关系智囊团在中国的外交政策制定和情报分析方面发挥着愈来愈重要的角色,同时与国外官员和专家的联系也愈来愈频繁。在此期间在其数量增加的同时分析人员和的素质和分析成果的质量也不断提高。各个智囊团通过出版物和论坛就广泛的外交政策进行争论和竞争。本文将介绍这些智囊团目前的组织结构及研究状态并以历史的角度揭示它们的发展过程,并提供其产品的消费者的信息。</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman""></span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><p></p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">近年来,由于中国与国外的交往增加,中国领导人对国外事务的情报和知识的需求增大,经济的快速发展也为智囊团的发展创造了条件。部长级官员愈加倾向于向智囊团寻求政策建议,虽然很难对智囊团对中国外交政策的影响作出具体评估,但无疑它们的作用正在加大。</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman""></span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><p></p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">其中一些的影响力在减少如中国现代国际关系研究所,一些影响力加大如中国国际问题研究所,其它一些则取决于具体问题如中国社科院地区研究所,其它一些影响力有限如国际战略研究所,还有一些停止运行如国务院国际问题研究中心。处了为政府官员提供政策分析,一些智囊团还为政府提供信息情报收集、政策分发和测验提供渠道,他们有时还同外国官员专家公众传递信息。(官方渠道不便传递这些信息)还通过国外专家影响其国家的政策和公共舆论。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><p></p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">传统上中国的智囊团模仿于苏联,虽然</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><font face="Times New Roman">1980</font></span><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">年代以来受美国等西方国家的影响,但一般都隶属于国务院和**中央各部门。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><font face="Times New Roman">1956</font></span><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">年的波兰匈牙利事件使毛**感到惊讶,更不要说苏联赫鲁晓夫的秘密报告,他的顾问未能预测到。所以命令周总理建立国际关系研究所,此所帮助草拟了**九评苏联的公开信。在中苏关系恶化后,由于中苏在发展中国家的竞争加剧,在**中央联络部下建立亚非研究所,也就是现代所得前身。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><font face="Times New Roman">1964</font></span><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">年,访问非洲期间周总理对接触的国外外交人员印象深刻,回国后命令成立外交学院和一外为外交部和新华社提供人才。同时建立国际关系学院为**中央调查部培养情报人员和新华社记者(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><font face="Times New Roman">UNDERCOVER</font></span><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">)。并在北大、复旦、人大成立政治系。北大:发展中国家,复旦:发达国家,人大:社会主义国家。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><p></p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 宋体; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman"">未完……</span><span style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt"><font face="Times New Roman"> <span lang="EN-US"><p></p></span></font></span></p>
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lionlei 该用户已被删除
21#
发表于 2006-7-12 18:19:35 | 只看该作者
提示: 作者被禁止或删除 内容自动屏蔽
20#
发表于 2006-6-7 11:27:02 | 只看该作者
楼上的好材料,老外对我们的机构很熟悉,可能比我们自己都明白。
19#
发表于 2006-6-6 17:38:40 | 只看该作者
呵呵
18#
发表于 2006-6-2 14:35:15 | 只看该作者
呵呵,都是学者 型人才啊!!
17#
发表于 2006-6-2 09:21:03 | 只看该作者
<p>good!</p>
leegend 该用户已被删除
16#
发表于 2006-4-21 21:14:43 | 只看该作者
提示: 作者被禁止或删除 内容自动屏蔽
15#
发表于 2006-4-21 19:13:32 | 只看该作者
继续啊
14#
发表于 2006-3-20 20:03:56 | 只看该作者
外院是1955年成立滴!
13#
 楼主| 发表于 2006-3-19 22:09:12 | 只看该作者
<p>Centre for Peace and Development Studies Perhaps the most important activity of the institute is its publication Heping yu fazhan (Peace and Development). This quarterly journal contains extremely high-quality analyses of international affairs written by civilian and military analysts, both permanent and associated research staff. It is a useful “window” into the thinking of PLA international security specialists, and is probably the highest-quality journal on current international relations topics published in China today. Its breadth and depth exceed that of the journals published by CICIR or CIIS, although articles in the journal of the CASS Institute of World Economics and Politics are more theoretical. Taken together, the journals of CPDS, CICIR, CIIS and the China Institute of International Strategic Studies (the think tank affiliated with the Second Department of the PLA General Staff Department) offer excellent insights into the analysis of contem-porary international affairs being carried out in China’s civilian and military intelligence communities. The CPDS claims it is “mainly financed” by CAIFC, which means its funds largely come from the Ministry of State Security and PLA’s General Political Department. Xinhua Centre for World Affairs The Xinhua Centre for World Affairs (Xinhuashe shijie wenti yanjiu zhongxin) (XCWA) was established in 1991 under the International Department of Xinhua News Agency (Figure 6). It only has about ten full-time research fellows (many of whom are also simultaneously work- ing in the International Department) and a small secretarial staff, but a large number of affiliated fellows, mostly retired from Xinhua. The Centre claims to focus primarily on “big powers and India.” It plays an important role in the selection of materials to be translated and included in the daily Reference News (Cankao ziliao or Da cankao), not an unimportant task insofar as this publication is a critical source of infor- mation on international affairs for China’s top leaders and officials. The XCWA also has several other neibu document channels to the leadership and other international affairs units. Nevertheless, its influence should not be overstated, as it seems to be more a loose group of elderly Xinhua<br />correspondents than an organized institution.</p><p>China Society for Strategy and Management??????????????The CSSM has a relatively small permanent research staff of approxi-<br />mately ten, but operates principally as an association to draw together<br />experts from across Beijing and the rest of the country. They have modest<br />office space in the National Library of China’s annex building, but clearly<br />are fairly flush with funds. Only a minor degree of its sponsored research<br />is on international affairs, and this comes to light in the important<br />quarterly journal Zhanlu¨e yu guanli (Strategy and Management). These<br /><strong>articles often break with the mould of more official and mainstream IR<br />journals.</strong>???</p><p>Shanghai Institute of International Studies</p><p>Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences</p><p>China’s IR think tanks have grown and matured considerably over the<br />past two decades since relations with the Western and Asian countries<br />began to grow. Much of the credit for the increased quality of research is<br />owed to the role played by foreign institutions in educating and training<br />Chinese researchers. While they still operate with their own distinctly<br />Chinese paradigms, and also stubbornly cling to realist, state-centric and<br />overeign-based analysis, researchers are much more aware of foreign<br />concepts and methodologies of research. While Westerners may not agree<br />with their analysis of international affairs, at least they now come closer<br />o speaking the same language. However, there remains a large<br />“perception gap” between their analyses and those of American, Euro-<br />pean, Japanese or other Asian IR and security analysts – and there is<br />minimal evidence that this gap is being narrowed.</p><p>中国国际关系智囊团对国际外交政策的影响时有波动,但总体上来说是在增长的。其结果是政府官员和领导人会更加熟悉世界事物,意味着对将要采取的行动的后果有更加深刻的认识,更好的应对国际局势,这也是提高政府执政能力的一个方面。</p><p>以上介绍的准确性将由真正在其中工作的人员去评判,我相信我们当中的某些同学某一天会加入这一行列。更为重要的是希望本文会对同学们的职业规划有所帮助,并祝愿大家将来会对中国与世界的关系作出重要、积极的贡献。这也是每个人的梦想,愿它成真!</p>
12#
 楼主| 发表于 2006-3-19 21:27:03 | 只看该作者
<p>Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs<br />CPIFA is an arm of the Foreign Ministry and is not a think tank per<br />se .It has a long history dating to December 1949 and is the<br />Chinese government’s principal institution devoted to “people-to-people<br />diplomacy.” During its first two decades CPIFA performed a valuable<br />channel for informal exchanges with elites from nations with which the<br />PRC did not have formal diplomatic relations. In the last two decades,<br />though, its focus has been more on hosting former politicians and<br />ex-diplomats. It is the principal institutional channel through which<br />former heads of state, officials, and ambassadors visit China after leaving<br />office. It is currently headed by former ambassador Mei Zhaorong. The<br />institute also publishes the informative Foreign Affairs Journal (in<br />English).</p><p>China Association for International Friendly Contact<br />The CAIFC is something of a military counterpart to the CPIFA,<br />although it has connections to the civilian foreign affairs establishment as<br />well (Figure 4). This duality was evidenced in the fact that General Wang<br />Zhen was its first honorary president while former Foreign Minister<br />Huang Hua was its first president. On the military side, it appears that<br />CAIFC is linked to the Intelligence Bureau of the Liaison Department of<br />the PLA’s General Political Department. On the civilian side, it appears<br />to have ties to both the Ministry of State Security and the Ministry of<br />Foreign Affairs. Its offices today are in a compound in north Beijing<br />shared by other PLA units. CAIFC was founded in 1984, and is involved<br />in bringing both retired civilian and military personages to China<br />(although it was not as active in the 1990s as it was in the 1980s). One<br />of its major responsibilities is to administer the Centre for Peace and<br />Development Studies .</p><p></p>
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