良心宣言 / Declaration of Conscience

Lepapillon0311 · 发表于 2006-1-23 23:50:52

良心宣言 / Declaration of Conscience
 Margaret Chase Snith 玛格丽特?蔡斯?史密斯
 
 Mr. President:
 I would like to speak briefly and simply about a serious national condition. It is a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in national suicide and the end of everything that we Americans hold dear. It is a condition that comes from the lack of effective leadership in either the Legislative Branch or the Executive Branch of our Government.
 
 That leadership is so lacking that serious and responsible proposals are being made that national advisory commissions be appointed to provide such critically needed leadership.
 
 I speak as briefly as possible because too much harm has already been done with irresponsible words of bitterness and selfish political opportunism. I speak as briefly as possible because the issue is too great to be obscured by eloquence. I speak simply and briefly in the hope that my words will be taken to heart.
 
 I speak as a Republican. I speak as a woman. I speak as a United States Senator. I speak as an American.
 
 The United States Senate has long enjoyed worldwide respect as the greatest deliberative body in the world. But recently that deliberative character has too often been debased to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of congressional immunity.
 
 
 It is ironical that we Senators can in debate in the Senate directly or indirectly, by any form of words, impute to any American who is not a Senator any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming an American—and without that non-Senator American having any legal redress against us—yet if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on the grounds of being out of order.
 
 It is strange that we can verbally attack anyone else without restraint and with full protection and yet we hold ourselves above the same type of criticism here on the Senate Floor. Surely the United States Senate is big enough to take self-criticism and self-appraisal. Surely we should be able to take the same kind of character attacks that we “dish out” to outsiders.
 I think that it is high time for the United States Senate and its members to do some soul-searching—for us to weigh our consciences—on the manner in which we are performing our duty to the people of America—on the manner in which we are using or abusing our individual powers and privileges.
 
 I think that it is high time that we remembered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution. I think that it is high time that we remembered that the Constitution, as amended, speaks not only of the freedom of speech but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation.
 
 
 Whether it be a criminal prosecution in court or a character prosecution in the Senate, there is little practical distinction when the life of a person has been ruined.
 
 Those of us who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassinations are all too frequently those who, by our own words and acts, ignore some of the basic principles of Americanism:
 
 The right to criticize;
 The right to hold unpopular beliefs;
 The right to protest;
 The right of independent thought.
 
 The exercise of these rights should not cost one single American citizen his reputation or his right to a livelihood nor should he be in danger of losing his reputation or livelihood merely because he happens to know someone who holds unpopular beliefs. Who of us doesn’t? Otherwise none of us could call our souls our own. Otherwise thought control would have set in.
 
 The American people are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest they be politically smeared as “Communists” or “Fascists” by their opponents. Freedom of speech is not what it used to be in America. It has been so abused by some that it is not exercised by others.
 
 The American people are sick and tired of seeing innocent people smeared and guilty people whitewashed. But there have been enough proved cases, such as the Amerasia case, the Hiss case, the Coplon case, the Gold case, to cause the nationwide distrust and strong suspicion that there may be something to the unproved, sensational accusations.
 
 As a Republican, I say to my colleagues on this side of the aisle that the Republican Party faces a challenge today that is not unlike the challenge that it faced back in Lincoln’s day. The Republican Party so successfully met that challenge that it emerged from the Civil War as the champion of a united nation—in addition to being a Party that unrelentingly fought loose spending and loose programs.
 
 Today our country is being psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions that are bred in the United States Senate to spread like cancerous tentacles of “know nothing, suspect everything” attitudes. Today we have a Democratic administration that has developed a mania for loose spending and loose programs. History is repeating itself—and the Republican Party again has the opportunity to emerge as the champion of unity and prudence.
 
 The record of the present Democratic administration has provided us with sufficient campaign issues without the necessity of resorting to political smears. America is rapidly losing its position as leader of the world simply because the Democratic administration has pitifully failed to provide effective leadership.
 
 The Democratic administration has completely confused the American people by its daily contradictory grave warnings and optimistic assurances--that show the people that our Democratic administration has no idea of where it is going.
 
 The Democratic administration has greatly lost the confidence of the American people by its complacency to the threat of communism here at home and the leak of vital secrets to Russia though key officials of the Democratic administration. There are enough proved cases to make this point without diluting our criticism with unproved charges.
 
 Surely these are sufficient reasons to make it clear to the American people that it is time for a change and that a Republican victory is necessary to the security of this country. Surely it is clear that this nation will continue to suffer as long as it is governed by the present ineffective Democratic administration.
 
 Yet to displace it with a Republican regime embracing a philosophy that lacks political integrity or intellectual honesty would prove equally disastrous to this nation. The nation sorely needs a Republican victory. But I don’t want to see the Republican Party ride to political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny—Fear, Ignorance, Bigotry, and Smear.
 
 I doubt if the Republican Party could—simply because I don’t believe the American people will uphold any political party that puts political exploitation above national interest. Surely we Republicans aren’t that desperate for victory.
 
 I don’t want to see the Republican Party win that way. While it might be a fleeting victory for the Republican Party, it would be a more lasting defeat for the American people. Surely it would ultimately be suicide for the Republican Party and the two-party system that has protected our American liberties from the dictatorship of a one party system.
 
 As members of the Minority Party, we do not have the primary authority to formulate the policy of our Government. But we do have the responsibility of rendering constructive criticism, of clarifying issues, of allaying fears by acting as responsible citizens.
 
 As a woman, I wonder how the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters feel about the way in which members of their families have been politically mangled in the Senate debate—and I use the word “debate” advisedly.
 
 As a United States Senator, I am not proud of the way in which the Senate has been made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism. I am not proud of the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled from the side of the aisle. I am not proud of the obviously staged, undignified countercharges that have been attempted in retaliation from the other side of the aisle.
 
 I don’t like the way the Senate has been made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish political gain at the sacrifice of individual reputations and national unity. I am not proud of the way we smear outsiders from the Floor of the Senate and hide behind the cloak of congressional immunity and still place ourselves beyond criticism on the Floor of the Senate.
 
 As an American, I am shocked at the way Republicans and Democrats alike are playing directly into the Communist design of “confuse, divide, and conquer.” As an American, I don’t want a Democratic administration “whitewash” or “cover-up” any more than a want a Republican smear or witch hunt.
 
 As an American, I condemn a Republican “Fascist” just as much I condemn a Democratic “Communist.” I condemn a Democrat “Fascist” just as much as I condemn a Republican “Communist.” They are equally dangerous to you and me and to our country. As an American, I want to see our nation recapture the strength and unity it once had when we fought the enemy instead of ourselves.
 
 It is with these thoughts that I have drafted what I call a “Declaration of Conscience.” I am gratified that Senator Tobey, Senator Aiken, Senator Morse, Senator Ives, Senator Thye, and Senator Hendrickson have concurred in that declaration and have authorized me to announce their concurrence.
 
 我不想看见共和党依靠诬蔑他人的四骑士──恐惧、无知、偏执和诽谤去赢得政治上的胜利。\r --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 1950年威斯康辛的约瑟夫?R．麦卡锡参议员发动了一场从政府部门中清除共产党嫌疑分子的讨伐运动。他把自?鞍绯杀Ｎ烂拦?庠夤?谕獾腥饲趾Φ陌??撸??浪?娜嗣侵冈鹚??菀パ院陀吧浯直┢苹等嗣堑闹耙岛兔??Ｗ魑?桓龉埠偷橙耍?罂ㄎ?欢现赋觯憾怕趁耪??岸怨膊?饕迦砣酢保?谜??蚊?墓?裨汗僭笔桥压?肿樱??恰岸?А被颉胺牌?绷艘恍┕?胰霉膊?橙松咸ā２畈欢嘤形迥晔奔洎ぉご?950年2月麦卡锡首次声称国务院充满了颠覆分子直到1954年12月这位参议员遭到参议院同僚们的谴责──整个国家卷入对 “麦卡锡主义”的激烈争论。\r 
 政府内外许多人被这参议员的指控吓倒了，但并非人人如此。七位共和党参议员──新罕布什尔州的查尔斯?托比、佛蒙特州的乔治?D?艾肯、俄勒冈州的韦思?L?摩斯、明尼苏达州的爱德华?J?塞、纽约州的欧文?M?艾夫斯、新泽西州的罗伯特?C?亨德里克逊以及缅因州的玛格丽特?蔡斯?史密斯──签署了反对麦卡锡策略的良心宣言。参议员史密斯(1897─ )是参议院中的唯一女性，她起草了这个宣言并于1950年6月1日在参议院为该宣言发表演说。\r --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 议长先生、我想简单明了地谈谈严峻的国家状况。这就是全国性的恐惧和挫折感，这种感觉可能导致国家自取灭亡，导致我们美国人所珍视的一切走上穷途末路。出现这种状况的原因在于我们政府的立法和行政机构缺乏卓有成效的领导。领导是如此薄弱，以致有人提出认真负责的建议，要求任命咨询委员会以提供这种急需的领导。\r 
 我尽可能言简意赅，因为不负责任的怨言和自私自利的政治机会主义已造成太多危害。我尽可能言简意赅，因为问题太严重，即使能言善辩也无法混淆视听。我的讲话筒单明了，希望我的话能打动人心。\r 
 议长先生，我作为一名共和党人讲话。我作为一名妇女讲话。我作为一名美国参议员讲话。我作为一个美国人讲话。\r 
 美国参议院长期来以世界上最杰出的慎重周到的机构赢得世人的尊敬。但最近这种慎重周到的品质经常被降低到发泄仇恨和中伤他人的讲坛的水平，而这种攻讦受到国会豁免权的庇护。\r 
 这一点令人啼笑皆非：我们参议员在参议院辩论时可以直接或间接地用任何表述方式把与一个美国人不相称、不相适应的行为或动机发咎于一个不是参议员的美国人，而那个非参议员美国人无权要求我们为其恢复名誉，赔偿损失。但是倘若我们在参议院对我们的同事说同样的话，便会被制止，理由是不符合规程。\r 
 奇怪的是，我们可以毫无节制地用语言攻击任何别人而受到充分保护，但我们自己在这参议院议员席上却可免遭同一种类的批评。当然，美国参议院有足够大的度量作自我批评和自我评价。当然，我们应该能够接受我们“奉送”给外界人士的相同类型的人格抨击。\r 
 我认为，对于美国参议院及其成员来说，早已到了该这么做的时候了：反躬自问，作良心上的自我反省，检查一下我们对美国人民的义务履行得如何，我们又是如何利用和滥用自己个人的职权和特权的。\r 
 我认为，我们早就该记起自己曾宣誓坚持和捍卫宪法。我认为，我们早该记起修正的宪法不仅提到言论自由，而且提到由陪审团进行审判而不是由控方进行审判。\r 
 不论是法庭上的刑事诉讼亦或是在参议院中对个人品质的攻讦，只要毁了一个人的生活两者没有什么实际差别。\r 
 我们的那些在破坏他人名誉时对美国方式叫嚷得最响的人往往是那些以自己的言行蔑视美国方式某些基本原则的人。这些原则是──
 
 批评的权利。\r 
 持有不受欢迎的信念的权利。\r 
 抗议的权利。\r 
 独立思考的权利。\r 
 行使这些权利不应使任何一个美国公民丧失名誉或生活的权利，任何一个美国公民也不应只为碰巧认识某个抱不受欢迎的信念的人便面临丧失名誉或断绝生路的危险。我们哪个人没有这类信念呢? 不然我们谁也不能称自己的灵魂属于自己。不然思想控制将得以实行。\r 
 美国人民害怕因说出自己的观点被他们的对手从政治上诽谤成法西斯分子，对这种恐惧心他们感到憎恶和厌烦。在美国，言论自由已今非昔，不成样子。它被某些人肆意滥用，以致其它人不再行使该项权利。\r 
 美国人民眼看无辜的人遭诬陷，有罪之人被美化，对此感到憎恶和厌烦。但是有不少已经证实的案例，譬如阿麦雷西亚案、希斯案、科普隆案、戈尔德案，足以引起全国范围的不信任感和深深的猜疑：人们怕那些尚未证实、耸人听闻的指控可能包含几分真实。\r 
 作为一个共和党人，我对坐在走道这一边的我的同事们说，共和党今天所面临的挑战不亚于林肯的时代它所面临的挑战。当时共和党成功地迎接挑战，从内战中掘起，不仅是个同浪费开支、计划不周作无情斗争的政党，而且成为捍卫统一国家的斗士。\r 
 今天，我们国家在心理上被慌乱和怀疑弄得四分五裂，这种惶惶不安的怀疑情绪从美国参议院产生，“一无所知，怀疑一切”的态度如癌细胞一般扩展蔓延。今天，我们有一个热衷于浪费开支，推行计划不周的方案的民主党政府。历史正在重演 ──共和党再次有机会成为捍卫统一和审慎节俭的斗士。\r 
 现任民主党政府的历史已为我们提供了充足的竞选争论问题，我们没有必要求助于政治诽谤术。正因为民主党政府已无力在政治上给予卓有成效的领导，美国正迅速丧失其世界领袖的地位。\r 
 民主党政府日复一日，自相矛盾的严重警告和乐观的保证已完全把美国人民搞胡涂了。这就向人民表明，我国的民主党政府已迷失方向，不知所措。\r 
 民主党政府已经因其洋洋自得而在国内对共产主义的威胁无动于衷，因其重要官员将要害机密泄漏给俄国而大大失去了美国人民的信任。我们有足够的已经证实的案例说明这一点，不必用未经证实的指控削弱我们的批评。\r 
 无疑，这些已完全有理由使美国人民明白：是变革的时候了；共和党取胜对于国家安全很有必要。显而易见，只要这个国家由无能的现任民主党政府掌管，那么它将继续遭殃。\r 
 然而倘若一个共和党政权信奉一种政治上不正派、理性上不诚实的哲学，那么用这个政府取代民主党政府对国家同样是灾难。美国极需一个共和党的胜利。但是我不想看见共和党依靠诬蔑他人的四骑士──恐惧、无知、偏执和诽谤去赢得政治上的胜利。\r 
 我怀疑共和党政府是否能这么做，只因为我不相信美国人民会拥护任何一个将政治私利置于国家利益之上的政党。当然，我们共和党人并不至于为赢得胜利而不顾一切，孤注一掷。\r 
 我不想看到共和党用这种方式取胜。那胜利对共和党而言将十分短暂，而对美国人民而言则意味着持久的失败。无疑，它将最终导致共和党和两党制自取灭亡，而两党制保障了我们美国的自由权利，以免遭一党制专制统治。\r 
 作为少数派政党的成员，我们不具备制订我国政府政策的权威。但我们确实有以下的责任：提出建设性的批评，澄清问题，以认真负责的公民的行动减少恐惧。\r 
 作为一名妇女，我想知道母亲们、妻子们、姐妹们、女儿们对她们的家人在参议院辩论中遭政治攻讦有何感觉──我使用“辩论”一词是经过深思熟虑的。\r 
 作为一名美国参议员，我对参议院被用作公共讲坛以散布不负责任、耸人听闻的传闻无法感到自豪。对从走道这一侧肆无忌惮地拋出未经证实的指控，我无法感到自豪。对走道的另一边显然是装腔作势、不庄重的，旨在报复的反诉，我无法感到自豪。\r 
 对参议院已被用作诬蔑中伤的场所，用作以牺牲他人名誉和国家统一换取政治利益的场所，我感到不悦。对我们从参议院议员席上诽谤外界人士，把我们自己藏在国会豁免权的保护衣后面，稳坐参议院议员席不受任何批评，我无法感到自豪。\r 
 作为一个美国人，我既不希望一个民主党政府粉饰太平，遮遮掩掩，也不希望一个共和党人诽谤他人，搞政治****。

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良心宣言 / Declaration of Conscience

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