不是所有的穆斯林都是圣战分子文章原标题：苏非派——穆斯林世界的中间派

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　　新德里--本月13日，奥巴马总统慷慨陈词，支持在纽约世贸中心遗址附近修建穆斯林文化中心，但第二天其立场便明显后退。修建计划引发的争议日益升温，奥巴马的自相矛盾仅仅是位于这场争论核心的诸多悖论之一。
　　我们看到主张消除 “不公平歧视”的“反诽谤联盟”（the Anti-Defamation League）对美籍穆斯林的歧视；我们看到众议院前任议长纽特o金里奇（Newt Gingrich）如此形容提出计划的“科尔多瓦行动”(the Cordoba Initiative)--一个致力于“改善穆斯林世界与西方关系”、促进信仰间对话的组织：它试图在双子塔遗址附近立碑纪念穆斯林的胜利，这是一种“蓄意侮辱”，一种向败者夸耀而大肆庆祝的必胜主义行为。
　　最可笑的是，我们还看到共和党纽约州州长候选人力克o拉齐奥（Rick Lazio）等一干政客质疑，此计划的主要发起人伊玛目o费萨尔o阿卜杜勒o拉乌夫（Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf）是否与“极端组织”有联系。
　　这些言论背后的问题远远超出了是否要在曼哈顿市中心建一座清真寺这么简单。它们反映出美国对伊斯兰世界的教派分支、复杂特性和相互间的微妙差别认识严重不足；这将大大削弱西方打击伊斯兰极端主义暴力和促进美国人与世界第二大宗教的信徒们和平共处的努力。
　　我们大多数人都能轻松分辨基督教的各个派别。如果一个人信仰波士顿罗马天主教，并不代表他是制造爆炸的爱尔兰共和军的同谋，正如并非所有东正教基督徒都与塞尔维亚战争犯或南亚谋杀堕胎医生的佛教徒有联系一样。
　　然而，我们许多领导人却倾向于将伊斯兰世界视为令人恐惧的单一整体。如果小布什政府能对基地组织萨拉菲斯特圣战者和萨达姆o侯赛因治下伊拉克世俗的“复兴党”之间不可调和的分歧有更多认识，美国或许不会错误地发动那场灾难性的战争，而会在阿富汗人民还听得进劝的时候专注于后塔利班政权时代阿富汗的重建工作。
　　“科尔瓦多行动”的费萨尔o阿卜杜勒o拉乌夫（Feisal Abdul Rauf）是美国伊斯兰教苏非派（Sufism）禁欲神秘主义思想界的权威。这一教派的目标和愿景与圣战主义者信奉的崇尚暴力的瓦哈比教派大相径庭。拉乌夫在他的视频和现场布道中都宣扬爱、忆及真主以及和解。他略带“新世纪风格”(New Agey)的措辞使其听起来多少有点像穆斯林版的迪帕克o乔布拉（Deepak Chopra）（译者注：乔布拉系美籍印度裔著名心灵导师）。但在奥萨马o本o拉登和塔利班的眼里，他却是一个喜欢异教徒、主张“坟墓崇拜”（grave-worshiping）的变节者；他们无疑也将他视作理所当然的暗杀目标。
　　正因为这种温和派主张，信奉多元主义的苏非派领袖站在了反对最极端形式的伊斯兰教的第一线。在伊斯兰世界最为激进的地区，苏非派领导人为奉行其宽容的信仰不惜一死，点点滴滴表现的勇气比起奋战在巴格达、喀布尔的美军有过之而无不及。苏非派是伊斯兰教最多元化的代表，从有识之士到无知之徒，从忠实信徒到无信仰者，苏非派都对他们敞开怀抱。因此它也成为一座沟通东西方世界独具价值的桥梁。
　　苏非派的伟大圣徒如13世纪巴勒斯坦诗人鲁米（Rumi）等主张，世间万物、所有教派皆为一体，皆为真主的自显或外化。重要的不是清真寺、教堂、会堂或寺庙中空洞的仪式，而在于为领悟“认识真主的最好方法便是通过人心”而做出的努力：如果我们能知道向何处寻觅，便都能在自己身上发现极乐园。苏非派强调爱而非裁决，在某些方面代表了伊斯兰教《新约》。
　　虽然西方仍然无视伊斯兰教内部的教派和区分，但苏非派的信仰观对极端分子构成的挑战不容小觑。最有力的证据莫过于7月2日巴基斯坦塔利班分子在巴第二大城市拉合尔市（Lahore） 最大的苏非派神龛Data Darbar制造了双重自杀性爆炸事件。袭击发生在神龛最繁忙的周四晚上，共造成42人死亡，175人受伤。
　　这只是针对巴基斯坦苏非派人士大量暴行中最近的一个。今年五月，拉合尔市一家秘鲁咖啡馆在举行一年一度的庆祝活动时突然遭到爆炸袭击，我本人还曾在那里与一群苏非派音乐家共同演出；一位因从事社会工作而遭到英国殖民者****的苏菲派教徒哈吉o萨赫在巴基斯坦西北部落地区Turangzai村的坟墓，也已被强行改为塔利班总部；白沙瓦市（Peshawar）附近的Bahadar Baba 陵和Abu Saeed Baba 神坛也都被火箭弹摧毁。
　　然而，最为典型、最具灾难性的塔利班袭击当属去年春天对圣徒拉赫曼o巴巴（Rahman Baba）神龛的暴行。这位17世纪诗人的神龛设于巴基斯坦斯北部的开伯尔山口（Khyber Pass），成为几个世纪以来音乐家、诗人聚会的地方；拉赫曼o巴巴精彩的苏非派诗文也使他被生活在阿富汗、巴基斯坦边境的普什图人（Pashtuns）奉为国民诗人。
　　“我是一个经营爱情的'爱人'，”他写道。“播种花朵/这样你的四周便会姹紫嫣红/不要播种荆棘；他们也会扎疼你自己的脚/我们都是一体/任何人折磨别人最终都是伤到自己。”
　　大约10年前，沙特阿拉伯出资在通往神坛的道路尽头建立一所宗教学校。很快，学生们开始自觉制止在他们看来拉赫曼o巴巴崇拜者不符合伊斯兰教教旨的行为。我上次到那里是2003年，神坛负责人提拉o穆罕默德（Tila Mohammed）向我讲述了学生们如何定期跑来报怨他的神坛是邪神崇拜和不道德的中心。
　　“我家中的几代人都在这儿唱过歌，”他告诉我。“但现在，这些宗教学校的学生来了，还说我们这样做是错的。他们要妇女呆在家里。这儿过去是人们得以获得心灵安静的地方，现在来这儿反而会碰到更多问题。”
　　2009年3月初的一个清晨，一伙巴基斯坦塔利班分子天还没亮便来到神坛，在支撑神龛屋顶的斜拱周围放满炸药包。随后发生的爆炸摧毁了整个陵墓，但所幸无人死亡。这群塔利班分子很快反咬一口，指责祭坛管理人员允许女人来祷告、寻求医治。
　　也有好消息：尽管苏非派十分温和，但它同样有很强的适应能力。自从美国为瓦哈比教派在阿富汗大搞反苏斗争提供财政支持以来，瓦哈比教派在巴基斯坦北部地区长期占据主导地位，但在南巴基斯坦的信德省（Sindh）情况却完全不同，苏非派形成了一股强有力的反对力量，代表了在印度教与伊斯兰教共存千年产生的多元复合文化。
　　去年我在Sehwan镇的saint Lal Shahbaz Qalandar神坛发现许多人不满清教穆斯林高僧将苏非派圣徒崇拜斥为异端邪说，其抵触情绪之大、表现之公开令我十分震惊。
　　“我觉得，捍卫苏非派圣徒是我的责任，正如他们对我的保护一样，”一位妇女对我说。“今天，我们巴基斯坦有许多高僧和瓦哈比派教徒认为在他们的神坛向圣徒致敬就是异端邪教。这些伪君子！他们每天坐在那儿，读那些经书，争论他们的胡子要怎么修，根本听不到先知真正的讯息。”
　　持类似观点的人还有很多，最近苏非派也成为伊斯兰教在南亚的主导教派。这位妇女的看法也说明了为什么西方应该将苏非派视为对抗极端主义的天然同盟。兰德公司2007年的一项研究发现，苏非派对伊斯兰教旨开明、智慧的解读使其成为“打击伊斯兰极端主义的理想伙伴”。
　　苏非主义是一项产生发展于穆斯林世界内部、对极端伊斯兰暴力行动深恶痛绝的反抗运动。它是否能为政治所用尚不可知。但至少我们可以鼓励美国的苏非派，将拉乌夫教长这样的优秀男士拥为重要同盟。应受鄙视的是那些试图将苏非派与极端分子划等号的人，对他们可以采取无视其存在或其他政治手段。
　　作者William Dalrymple最近著有《九种生活：寻找印度当代的圣徒》。

英文原文：


The Muslims in the Middle
By WILLIAM DALRYMPLE
Published: August 16, 2010，New York Times
New Delhi
PRESIDENT OBAMA'S eloquent endorsement on Friday of a planned Islamic cultural center near the World Trade Center, followed by his apparent retreat the next day, was just one of many paradoxes at the heart of the increasingly impassioned controversy.
We have seen the Anti-Defamation League, an organization dedicated to ending "unjust and unfair discrimination," seek to discriminate against American Muslims. We have seen Newt Gingrich depict the organization behind the center - the Cordoba Initiative, which is dedicated to "improving Muslim-West relations" and interfaith dialogue - as a "deliberately insulting" and triumphalist force attempting to built a monument to Muslim victory near the site of the twin towers.
Most laughably, we have seen politicians like Rick Lazio, a Republican candidate for New York governor, question whether Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, the principal figure behind the project, might have links to "radical organizations."
The problem with such claims goes far beyond the fate of a mosque in downtown Manhattan. They show a dangerously inadequate understanding of the many divisions, complexities and nuances within the Islamic world - a failure that hugely hampers Western efforts to fight violent Islamic extremism and to reconcile Americans with peaceful adherents of the world's second-largest religion.
Most of us are perfectly capable of making distinctions within the Christian world. The fact that someone is a Boston Roman Catholic doesn't mean he's in league with Irish Republican Army bomb makers, just as not all Orthodox Christians have ties to Serbian war criminals or Southern Baptists to the murderers of abortion doctors.
Yet many of our leaders have a tendency to see the Islamic world as a single, terrifying monolith. Had the George W. Bush administration been more aware of the irreconcilable differences between the Salafist jihadists of Al Qaeda and the secular Baathists of Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the United States might never have blundered into a disastrous war, and instead kept its focus on rebuilding post-Taliban Afghanistan while the hearts and minds of the Afghans were still open to persuasion.
Feisal Abdul Rauf of the Cordoba Initiative is one of America's leading thinkers of Sufism, the mystical form of Islam, which in terms of goals and outlook couldn't be farther from the violent Wahhabism of the jihadists. His videos and sermons preach love, the remembrance of God (or "zikr") and reconciliation. His slightly New Agey rhetoric makes him sound, for better or worse, like a Muslim Deepak Chopra. But in the eyes of Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, he is an infidel-loving, grave-worshiping apostate; they no doubt regard him as a legitimate target for assassination.
For such moderate, pluralistic Sufi imams are the front line against the most violent forms of Islam. In the most radical parts of the Muslim world, Sufi leaders risk their lives for their tolerant beliefs, every bit as bravely as American troops on the ground in Baghdad and Kabul do. Sufism is the most pluralistic incarnation of Islam - accessible to the learned and the ignorant, the faithful and nonbelievers - and is thus a uniquely valuable bridge between East and West.
The great Sufi saints like the 13th-century Persian poet Rumi held that all existence and all religions were one, all manifestations of the same divine reality. What was important was not the empty ritual of the mosque, church, synagogue or temple, but the striving to understand that divinity can best be reached through the gateway of the human heart: that we all can find paradise within us, if we know where to look. In some ways Sufism, with its emphasis on love rather than judgment, represents the New Testament of Islam.
While the West remains blind to the divisions and distinctions within Islam, the challenge posed by the Sufi vision of the faith is not lost on the extremists. This was shown most violently on July 2, when the Pakistani Taliban organized a double-suicide bombing of the Data Darbar, the largest Sufi shrine in Lahore, Pakistan's second-largest city. The attack took place on a Thursday night, when the shrine was at its busiest; 42 people were killed and 175 were injured.
This was only the latest in a series of assaults against Pakistan's Sufis. In May, Peeru's Cafe in Lahore, a cultural center where I had recently performed with a troupe of Sufi musicians, was bombed in the middle of its annual festival. An important site in a tribal area of the northwest - the tomb of Haji Sahib of Turangzai, a Sufi persecuted under British colonial rule for his social work - has been forcibly turned into a Taliban headquarters. Two shrines near Peshawar, the mausoleum of Bahadar Baba and the shrine of Abu Saeed Baba, have been destroyed by rocket fire.
Symbolically, however, the most devastating Taliban attack occurred last spring at the shrine of the 17th-century poet-saint Rahman Baba, at the foot of the Khyber Pass in northwest Pakistan. For centuries, the complex has been a place for musicians and poets to gather, and Rahman Baba's Sufi verses had long made him the national poet of the Pashtuns living on both sides of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. "I am a lover, and I deal in love," wrote the saint. "Sow flowers,/ so your surroundings become a garden./ Don't sow thorns; for they will prick your feet./ We are all one body./ Whoever tortures another, wounds himself."
THEN, about a decade ago, a Saudi-financed religious school, or madrasa, was built at the end of the path leading to the shrine. Soon its students took it upon themselves to halt what they see as the un-Islamic practices of Rahman Baba's admirers. When I last visited it in 2003, the shrine-keeper, Tila Mohammed, described how young students were coming regularly to complain that his shrine was a center of idolatry and immorality.
"My family have been singing here for generations," he told me. "But now these madrasa students come and tell us that what we do is wrong. They tell women to stay at home. This used to be a place where people came to get peace of mind. Now when they come here they just encounter more problems."
Then, one morning in early March 2009, a group of Pakistani Taliban arrived at the shrine before dawn and placed dynamite packages around the squinches supporting the shrine's dome. In the ensuing explosion, the mausoleum was destroyed, but at least nobody was killed. The Pakistani Taliban quickly took credit, blaming the shrine's administrators for allowing women to pray and seek healing there.

The good news is that Sufis, though mild, are also resilient. While the Wahhabis have become dominant in northern Pakistan ever since we chose to finance their fight against the Soviets in Afghanistan, things are different in Sindh Province in southern Pakistan. Sufis are putting up a strong resistance on behalf of the pluralist, composite culture that emerged in the course of a thousand years of cohabitation between Hinduism and Islam.
Last year, when I visited a shrine of the saint Lal Shahbaz Qalandar in the town of Sehwan, I was astonished by the strength and the openness of the feelings against those puritan mullahs who criticize as heresy all homage to Sufi saints.
"I feel that it is my duty to protect both the Sufi saints, just as they have protected me," one woman told me. "Today in our Pakistan there are so many of these mullahs and Wahhabis who say that to pay respect to the saints in their shrines is heresy. Those hypocrites! They sit there reading their law books and arguing about how long their beards should be, and fail to listen to the true message of the prophet."
There are many like her; indeed, until recently Sufism was the dominant form of Islam in South Asia. And her point of view shows why the West would do well to view Sufis as natural allies against the extremists. A 2007 study by the RAND Corporation found that Sufis' open, intellectual interpretation of Islam makes them ideal "partners in the effort to combat Islamist extremism."
Sufism is an entirely indigenous, deeply rooted resistance movement against violent Islamic radicalism. Whether it can be harnessed to a political end is not clear. But the least we can do is to encourage the Sufis in our own societies. Men like Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf should be embraced as vital allies, and we should have only contempt for those who, through ignorance or political calculation, attempt to conflate them with the extremists.

William Dalrymple is the author, most recently, of "Nine Lives: In Search of the Sacred in Modern India."
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