新闻人物：温Jiabao

飞雪寒冰

在四川发生强烈地震的数小时之内，中国国务院总理温Jiabao就登上了飞往灾区的飞机。同样重要的是，飞机上还有一台电视摄像机，以捕捉温Jiabao及其助手的画面：他们查看地图，并制定决策。

从那时起，温Jiabao就一直出现在中国媒体的报道中，成为庞大救援活动的象征。在报道中，温Jiabao大声呵斥指挥不力的官员，与失去亲人的灾民一起潸然泪下。当救援者试图从都江堰一所坍塌学校救出一个儿童时，他就在现场；穿着一双发旧运动鞋的温Jiabao说：“我是温Jiabao爷爷，孩子们一定要挺住，一定会得救!”

灾难可以揭示出一个国家是如何运作的。在四川大地震之后，中国的威权政府迅速采取救灾行动。中国领导人不用参加竞举，但这并不意味着他们可以像以往那样忽视公众舆论。

会冲走民众对共产党的支持。但有效的救灾行动是政府与民众之间的一种默契，这种默契有助于维持对共产党的有力支持。温Jiabao通过公开的亲民之举，把这种政治上的重要性提升到一个新的层次。今年1月份，当雪灾导致数百万人在春节假期前受困时，温Jiabao就出现在长沙火车站，用扩音器向滞留旅客致歉。

中国政府仍试图严密控制灾难报道。但在一个日益复杂、越来越希望了解情况的社会中，是温Jiabao与灾民直接接触。 “对于一个党的领导人而言，这种举动令人耳目一新，”山东大学退休教授孙文广称，“通常，党的领导人身边围着一大批官员，远离普通百姓。但温Jiabao向人们表明，党的高层领导也可以有很强的同情心。”

但是，温Jiabao在2003年出任总理与出头露面无关。温文尔雅的温Jiabao是一名高明的官员，也是一位传奇般的、能在政治斗争中幸存的政治家，这是他在共产党等级制度中迅速晋升的原因。

温Jiabao于1942年出生在天津附近的农村，他的父母都是教师。后来，温Jiabao在北京就读地质专业，并于1968年被派往甘肃省地质局工作。甘肃是中国西北部地区一个干旱而贫困的省份，许多能干的官员在此偏远之地度过一生，温Jiabao则待了14年。令温Jiabao可以感到慰籍的是，在甘肃遇到了后来成为他妻子的张培莉。张培莉也是一位地质工作者。

上世纪80年代初，邓小平开始选拔第三梯队接班人。温Jiabao被调回北京，现任国家主席胡Jintao也是因此重获得重用。当时，胡Jintao是在甘肃工作的一位中年干部。

在中国***的官僚机构中，温Jiabao迅速擢升至核心位置。但在1989年的学潮中，由于他是时任共产党总书记、改革派赵紫阳的重要助手，政治生涯几近终结。当时，在**领导层内部进行激烈权力斗争之际，赵紫阳前往Tiananmen广场，请求学生领袖在军队镇压前撤离。在一幅著名的照片中，温Jiabao就站在赵紫阳身后。北京宣布戒严后，赵紫阳遭到罢黜。他在半软禁的状态下度过了余生，于2005年去世。然而，温Jiabao在政治斗争中得以幸存；一些人认为，这是因为当时的国家领导人认为温Jiabao敬业尽职，忠心耿耿。

温Jiabao升任总理后，妻子张培莉辞去了中国珠宝玉石首饰行业协会(Chinese Jewelry Association)副会长一职。不过，据说那些关心他的人仍然担心，张培莉与珠宝业的关系，与温Jiabao平民总理的形象有冲突。一部传记作品称，张培莉试图让温Jiabao穿得更时髦一些，但往往遭到拒绝。温Jiabao有一儿一女，儿子在北京经营一家IT公司，女儿则在金融服务业工作。

飞雪寒冰

Withinhours of the deadly earthquake in Sichuan province on Monday, Chinese premier Wen Jiabao was on an aeroplane to the disaster site. Just as importantly, a television camera was also on board to capture images of Mr Wen and his aides, their sleeves rolled up, looking at maps and making decisions.

Since then, Mr Wen has been a constant presence in the Chinese media, the public face of a huge relief effort. He has been shown shouting orders to officials and shedding tears with grieving families. When rescuers were trying to save a child from a collapsed school in Dujiangyan, Mr Wen was on hand. "This is Grandpa Wen here", he said, wearing a scruffy pair of training shoes. "You should hang on and you will be saved."

Disasters reveal much about how a country works. After Monday's massive earthquake, China's can-do authoritarianism has swung into action. China's leaders do not stand for election, but that does not mean they can ignore public opinion as they did in the past.


Effective disaster relief is part of the unwritten pact that helps to sustain strong support for the Communist party, long after many western observers thought it would be swept away by the country's rapid economic modernisation. Mr Wen has taken this political imperative to a new level with his populist publicity drives. When snowstorms stranded millions of people just before the January Chinese new year holiday, Mr Wen apologised to passengers at Changsha station using a megaphone.

The Chinese authorities still try to keep close control ofdisaster coverage. But in a society becoming more complex and inquisitive, Mr Wen has brought a direct engagement with the victims. "This is new for a party leader to behave like this," says Sun Wenguang, a retired professor from Shandong University. "Party leaders are usually surrounded by a lot of officials and stay far away from ordinary people, but Wen has shown that a high-level party official can be very caring."

It was anything but a taste for publicity that secured the mild-mannered Mr Wen the job of premier in 2003. His swift rise up the Communist hierarchy resulted from being a skilled bureaucrat and legendary survivor of political infighting.

Mr Wen was born in 1942, in a rural area near Tianjin. The son of two teachers, he later studied geology in Beijing and in 1968 was posted to the government's geology bureau in Gansu, an arid and poor province in the north-west. Many able officials end up working their entire careers in such distant places and Mr Wen was there for 14 years. One solace there was meeting his wife, Zhang Peili, another geologist.

When Deng Xiaoping launched a campaign in the early 1980s to identify talented young administrators, Mr Wen was transferred to Beijing. Another young official, toiling unnoticed in Gansu at that time, also got his break under the same programme: Hu Jintao, China's president.

Mr Wen was swiftly promoted to positions at the heart of the Communist party bureaucracy, but his career almost ended in the 1989 student protests, when he was a close aide to Zhao Ziyang, the reformist party chief. With a power struggle raging among the top leadership, Mr Zhao visited Tiananmen Square and pleaded with student leaders to leave before a military crackdown. A famous photo shows Mr Wen standing behind him. When martial law was declared, Mr Zhao was ousted. He died in 2005 after spending the rest of his life under semi-house arrest. Yet Mr Wen survived, some believe because he was considered a loyal servant to his boss.

His elevation to premier prompted his wife to resign as a vice-chairman of the Chinese Jewellery Association. Yet his minders are said to remain worried that her jewellery links clash with his man-of-the-people image. According to a biography, his wife tries to get him to dress more smartly but he has often resisted. They have two children, a son who runs an IT company in Beijing and a daughter who works in financial services.

Although he sometimes looks stiff and unnatural talking to ordinary people and a few online comments have criticised Mr Wen for hogging attention, popular reaction has been extremely favourable. "I have been moved by what he has done this week," says Zhu Jialei, a 23-year-old office worker in Shanghai. "He has been to the most dangerous places, talking to people and encouraging them. He seems to have been wearing the same clothes for the past few days and he cannot have been getting much rest." The most popular items on Chinese video-sharing sites in recent days have been images of Mr Wen, often with titles such as "Premier Wen, you have moved China".

Such has been the surge in his popularity that Mr Wen is often compared to Zhou Enlai, the former premier and perhaps the most respected 20th-century leader within China. "Wen Jiabao is the Premier Zhou for a new age", announced one blog on Sohu.com, the China-based website. A reporter on Chinese state television even got them mixed up: as Mr Wen passed by on a visit this week, the journalist called out: "Premier Zhou."

Given the reverence for the former premier, Mr Wen might find the comparison flattering. Yet profiles of Mr Zhou written outside China have been less complimentary, seeing him as a weak leader whose main role was as an enabler for Mao Zedong.

Indeed, Mr Wen has been quietly criticised by some officials and scholars for lacking real impact on government. Critics say he lacks the personality to drive change through reluctant bureaucracies. His rural and welfare reforms have fallen short of the scale needed to reverse China's wealth gap, while the government has procrastinated on key economic decisions.

Russell Leigh Moses, a Beijing-based analyst, says Mr Wen's more emotional tone is a res-ponse to his difficulties in pushing through his ideas. "The passions are genuine, but they should be seen as part of the political context. What we see now is a more frustrated Wen, a more thwarted person," he says.

There are some dangers for Mr Wen in being so publicly identified with the disaster response. Tough questions are being asked about why so many schools collapsed, for example, and the rising number left homeless. The good headlines will not prevent a backlash if the follow-up fails. As Mr Moses says: "How the government performs in the next month will be more important than what it has done so far."

飞雪寒冰

尽管温Jiabao与普通人谈话时，有时会显得僵硬和不自然，一些网上评论也批评他刻意吸引注意力，但公众对他评价极佳。上海一位23岁的公司职员朱佳蕾（音译）表示：“他一周来（编者注：指四川抗震救的第一周）的所做所为令我感动。他去那些最危险的地方，与灾民谈话，并鼓励灾民。过去几天，他好像一直穿着同样的衣服，也不可能好好休息。”近来，在一些中国视频共享网站上，流传最多的就是温Jiabao的形象，并且往往被冠以“温总理，你感动了中国”这样的标题。

温Jiabao的声望飙升，以致于人们常常将他比作20世纪中国最受崇敬的领导人前总理周恩来。中国门户网站搜狐(Sohu.com)上一篇博客写道：“温Jiabao是新时代的周总理。”中国中央电视台一位记者甚至将两位总理弄混了：当温Jiabao路过他身边时，这位记者大喊：“周总理。”

鉴于周总理所受到的崇敬，温Jiabao也许会觉得这种比较是一种奉承。不过，外国报章对周恩来的描述并不那么赞誉有加，认为他是一位软弱的领导人，主要角色是执行毛**的意图。

事实上，一些官员和学者私下一直批评温Jiabao对施政缺乏真正的影响力。批评人士表示，他缺乏那种在阻力重重的官僚机构中推行变革的个性。温Jiabao的农业改革及福利改革，未能达到缩小中国贫富差距所需的力度，同时政府在关键经济决策上存在拖延。

驻北京的分析师罗素•利•摩西(Russell Leigh Moses)表示，由于温Jiabao难以推行自己的想法，所以他更加动感情。他表示：“这种感情是真实的，但应该把它放在政治背景下来看待。我们现在看到的是一个备受挫折、面对更大阻力的温Jiabao。”

温Jiabao公开地将自己与救灾联系在一起，这是有一定风险的。例如，人们正在提出一些尖锐的问题：比如，为什么这么多学校倒塌？为什么越来越多的人无家可归？一旦救灾后续工作中出现问题，那么媒体对温Jiabao救灾表现看好的报道，并不能避免民众情绪出现反弹。正如分析师罗素•利•摩西所言：“政府在今后一个月内的表现，将比它迄今为止的所作所为更为重要。”

飞雪寒冰

Although he sometimes looks stiff and unnatural talking to ordinary people and a few online comments have criticised Mr Wen for hogging attention, popular reaction has been extremely favourable. "I have been moved by what he has done this week," says Zhu Jialei, a 23-year-old office worker in Shanghai. "He has been to the most dangerous places, talking to people and encouraging them. He seems to have been wearing the same clothes for the past few days and he cannot have been getting much rest." The most popular items on Chinese video-sharing sites in recent days have been images of Mr Wen, often with titles such as "Premier Wen, you have moved China".

Such has been the surge in his popularity that Mr Wen is often compared to Zhou Enlai, the former premier and perhaps the most respected 20th-century leader within China. "Wen Jiabao is the Premier Zhou for a new age", announced one blog on Sohu.com, the China-based website. A reporter on Chinese state television even got them mixed up: as Mr Wen passed by on a visit this week, the journalist called out: "Premier Zhou."

Given the reverence for the former premier, Mr Wen might find the comparison flattering. Yet profiles of Mr Zhou written outside China have been less complimentary, seeing him as a weak leader whose main role was as an enabler for Mao Zedong.

Indeed, Mr Wen has been quietly criticised by some officials and scholars for lacking real impact on government. Critics say he lacks the personality to drive change through reluctant bureaucracies. His rural and welfare reforms have fallen short of the scale needed to reverse China's wealth gap, while the government has procrastinated on key economic decisions.

Russell Leigh Moses, a Beijing-based analyst, says Mr Wen's more emotional tone is a res-ponse to his difficulties in pushing through his ideas. "The passions are genuine, but they should be seen as part of the political context. What we see now is a more frustrated Wen, a more thwarted person," he says.

There are some dangers for Mr Wen in being so publicly identified with the disaster response. Tough questions are being asked about why so many schools collapsed, for example, and the rising number left homeless. The good headlines will not prevent a backlash if the follow-up fails. As Mr Moses says: "How the government performs in the next month will be more important than what it has done so far."

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