The open yet restricted rivalry that developed after World War II between the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective allies. The Cold War was waged on political, economic, and propaganda fronts and had only limited recourse to weapons. The term was first used by the American financier and presidential adviser Bernard Baruch during a congressional debate in 1947.
Following the surrender of Nazi Germany in May 1945 near the close of World War II, the uneasy wartime alliance between the United States and Great Britain on the one hand and the Soviet Union on the other began to unravel. By 1948 the Soviets had installed left-wing governments in the countries of eastern Europe that had been liberated by the Red Army. The Americans and the British feared the permanent Soviet domination of eastern Europe and the threat of Soviet-influenced communist parties coming to power in the democracies of western Europe. The Soviets, on the other hand, were determined to maintain control of eastern Europe in order to safeguard against any possible renewed threat from Germany, and they were intent on spreading communism worldwide, largely for ideological reasons. The Cold War had solidified by 1947–48, when U.S. aid provided under the Marshall Plan to western Europe had brought those countries under American influence and the Soviets had installed openly communist regimes in eastern Europe.
The Cold War reached its peak in 1948–53. In this period the Soviets unsuccessfully blockaded the Western-held sectors of West Berlin (1948–49); the United States and its European allies formed the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a unified military command to resist the Soviet presence in Europe (1949); the Soviets exploded their first atomic warhead (1949), thus ending the American monopoly on the atomic bomb; the Chinese communists came to power in mainland China (1949); and the Soviet-supported communist government of North Korea invaded U.S.-supported South Korea in 1950, setting off an indecisive Korean War that lasted until 1953.
From 1953 to 1957 Cold War tensions relaxed somewhat, largely owing to the death of the longtime Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin in 1953; nevertheless, the standoff remained. A unified military organization among the Soviet-bloc countries, the Warsaw Pact, was formed in 1955; and West Germany was admitted into NATO that same year. Another intense stage of the Cold War was in 1958–62. The United States and the Soviet Union began developing intercontinental ballistic missiles, and in 1962 the Soviets began secretly installing missiles in Cuba that could be used to launch nuclear attacks on U.S. cities. This sparked the Cuban missile crisis (1962), a confrontation that brought the two superpowers to the brink of war before an agreement was reached to withdraw the missiles.
The Cuban missile crisis showed that neither the United States nor the Soviet Union were ready to use nuclear weapons for fear of the other's retaliation (and thus of mutual atomic annihilation). The two superpowers soon signed the Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty of 1963, which banned aboveground nuclear weapons testing. But the crisis also hardened the Soviets' determination never again to be humiliated by their military inferiority, and they began a buildup of both conventional and strategic forces that the United States was forced to match for the next 25 years.
Throughout the Cold War the United States and the Soviet Union avoided direct military confrontation in Europe and engaged in actual combat operations only to keep allies from defecting to the other side or to overthrow them after they had done so. Thus the Soviet Union sent troops to preserve communist rule in East Germany (1953), Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), and Afghanistan (1979). For its part, the United States helped overthrow a left-wing government in Guatemala (1954), supported an unsuccessful invasion of Cuba (1961), invaded the Dominican Republic (1965) and Grenada (1983), and undertook a long (1964–75) and unsuccessful effort to prevent communist North Vietnam from bringing South Vietnam under its rule.
In the course of the 1960s and '70s, however, the bipolar struggle between the Soviet and American blocs gave way to a more complicated pattern of international relationships in which the world was no longer split into two clearly opposed blocs. A major split had occurred between the Soviet Union and China in 1960 and widened over the years, shattering the unity of the communist bloc. In the meantime, western Europe and Japan achieved dynamic economic growth in the 1950s and '60s, reducing their relative inferiority to the United States. Less-powerful countries had more room to assert their independence and often showed themselves resistant to superpower coercion or cajoling.
The 1970s saw an easing of Cold War tensions as evinced in the SALT I and II agreements of 1972 and 1979 respectively, in which the two superpowers set limits on their antiballistic missiles and on their strategic missiles capable of carrying nuclear weapons. This was followed by a period of renewed Cold War tensions in the early 1980s as the two superpowers continued their massive arms buildup and competed for influence in the Third World. But the Cold War began to break down in the late 1980s during the administration of Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev. He dismantled the totalitarian aspects of the Soviet system and began efforts to democratize the Soviet political system. When communist regimes in the Soviet-bloc countries of eastern Europe collapsed in 1989–90, Gorbachev acquiesced in their fall. The rise to power of democratic governments in East Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia was quickly followed by the unification of West and East Germany under NATO auspices, again with Soviet approval.
Gorbachev's internal reforms had meanwhile weakened his own Communist Party and allowed power to shift to Russia and the other constituent republics of the Soviet Union. In late 1991 the Soviet Union collapsed and 15 newly independent nations were born from its corpse, including a Russia with a democratically elected, anticommunist leader. The Cold War had come to an end.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 15:54
Marshall plan
Formally European Recovery Program (April 1948–December 1951), U.S.-sponsored program designed to rehabilitate the economies of 17 western and southern European countries in order to create stable conditions in which democratic institutions could survive. The United States feared that the poverty, unemployment, and dislocation of the postwar period were reinforcing the appeal of communist parties to voters in western Europe. On June 5, 1947, in an address at Harvard University, Secretary of State George C. Marshall advanced the idea of a European self-help program to be financed by the United States. On the basis of a unified plan for western European economic reconstruction presented by a committee representing 16 countries, the U.S. Congress authorized the establishment of the European Recovery Program, which was signed into law by President Harry S. Truman on April 3, 1948. Aid was originally offered to almost all the European countries, including those under military occupation by the Soviet Union. The Soviets early on withdrew from participation in the plan, however, and were soon followed by the other eastern European nations under their influence. This left the following countries to participate in the plan: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and western Germany.
Under Paul G. Hoffman, the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA), a specially created bureau, distributed over the next four years some $13 billion worth of economic aid, helping to restore industrial and agricultural production, establish financial stability, and expand trade. Direct grants accounted for the vast majority of the aid, with the remainder in the form of loans. To coordinate the European participation, 16 countries, led by the United Kingdom and France, established the Committee of European Economic Cooperation to suggest a four-year recovery program. This organization was later replaced by the permanent Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC), to which West Germany was ultimately admitted.
The Marshall Plan was very successful. The western European countries involved experienced a rise in their gross national products of 15 to 25 percent during this period. The plan contributed greatly to the rapid renewal of the western European chemical, engineering, and steel industries. Truman extended the Marshall Plan to less-developed countries throughout the world under the Point Four Program, initiated in 1949.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 15:55
Truman doctrine
pronouncement by U.S. Pres. Harry S. Truman on March 12, 1947, declaring immediate economic and military aid to the governments of Greece, threatened by Communist insurrection, and Turkey, under pressure from Soviet expansion in the Mediterranean area. As the United States and the Soviet Union struggled to reach a balance of power during the Cold War that followed World War II, Great Britain announced that it could no longer afford to aid those Mediterranean countries, which the West feared were in danger of falling under Soviet influence. The U.S. Congress responded to a message from Truman by promptly appropriating $400,000,000 for this purpose.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 15:55
Yalta conference
(Feb. 4–11, 1945), major World War II conference of the three chief Allied leaders, President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States, Prime Minister Winston Churchill of Great Britain, and Premier Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union (see ), which met at Yalta in the Crimea to plan the final defeat and occupation of Nazi Germany.
It had already been decided that Germany would be divided into occupied zones administered by U.S., British, French, and Soviet forces. The conferees accepted the principle that the Allies had no duty toward the Germans except to provide minimum subsistence, declared that the German military industry would be abolished or confiscated, and agreed that major war criminals would be tried before an international court, which subsequently presided at Nürnberg. The determination of reparations was assigned to a commission.
How to deal with the defeated or liberated countries of eastern Europe was the main problem discussed at the conference. The agreements reached, which were accepted by Stalin, called for “interim governmental authorities broadly representative of all democratic elements in the population . . . and the earliest possible establishment through free elections of governments responsive to the will of the people.” Britain and the United States supported a Polish government-in-exile in London, while the Soviets supported a communist-dominated Polish committee of national liberation in Lublin. Neither the Western Allies nor the Soviet Union would change its allegience, so they could only agree that the Lublin committee would be broadened to include representatives of other Polish political groups, upon which the Allies would recognize it as a provisional government of national unity that would hold free elections to choose a successor government. Poland's future frontiers were also discussed but not decided.
Regarding the Far East, a secret protocol stipulated that, in return for the Soviet Union's entering the war against Japan within “two or three months” after Germany's surrender, the U.S.S.R. would regain the territory lost to Japan in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–05, and the status quo in pro-Soviet Outer Mongolia would be maintained. Stalin agreed to sign a pact of alliance and friendship with China.
The United Nations organization charter had already been drafted, and the conferees worked out a compromise formula for voting in the Security Council. The Soviets withdrew their claim that all 16 Soviet republics should have membership in the General Assembly.
After the agreements reached at Yalta were made public in 1946, they were harshly criticized in the United States. This was because, as events turned out, Stalin failed to keep his promise that free elections would be held in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. Instead, communist governments were established in all those countries, noncommunist political parties were suppressed, and genuinely democratic elections were never held. At the time of the Yalta Conference, both Roosevelt and Churchill had trusted Stalin and believed that he would keep his word. Neither leader had suspected that Stalin intended that all the Popular Front governments in Europe would be taken over by communists. Roosevelt and Churchill were further inclined to assent to the Yalta agreements because they assumed, mistakenly as it turned out, that Soviet assistance would be sorely needed to defeat the Japanese in the Pacific and Manchuria. In any case, the Soviet Union was the military occupier of eastern Europe at the war's end, and so there was little the Western democracies could do to enforce the promises made by Stalin at Yalta.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 15:56
Containment
Strategic foreign policy pursued by the United States in the late 1940s and the early 1950s in order to check the expansionist policy of the Soviet Union. In an anonymous article in the July 1947 issue of Foreign Affairs, George F. Kennan, diplomat and U.S. State Department adviser on Soviet affairs, suggested a “long-term, patient but firm and vigilant containment of Russian expansive tendencies” in the hope that the regime would mellow or collapse. The Truman Doctrine of 1947, with its guarantee of immediate economic and military aid to Greece and Turkey, was an initial application of the policy of containment.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 15:56
Berlin blockade and airlift
international crisis that arose from an attempt by the Soviet Union, in 1948–49, to force the Western Allied powers (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France) to abandon their post-World War II jurisdictions in West Berlin. In March 1948 the Allied powers decided to unite their different occupation zones of Germany into a single economic unit. In protest, the Soviet representative withdrew from the Allied Control Council. Coincident with the introduction of a new deutsche mark in West Berlin (as throughout West Germany), which the Soviets regarded as a violation of agreements with the Allies, the Soviet occupation forces in eastern Germany began a blockade of all rail, road, and water communications between Berlin and the West. On June 24 the Soviets announced that the four-power administration of Berlin had ceased and that the Allies no longer had any rights there. On June 26 the United States and Britain began to supply the city with food and other vital supplies by air. They also organized a similar “airlift” in the opposite direction of West Berlin's greatly reduced industrial exports. By mid-July the Soviet army of occupation in East Germany had increased to 40 divisions, against 8 in the Allied sectors. By the end of July three groups of U.S. strategic bombers had been sent as reinforcements to Britain. Tension remained high, but war did not break out.
Despite dire shortages of fuel and electricity, the airlift kept life going in West Berlin for 11 months, until on May 12, 1949, the Soviet Union lifted the blockade. The airlift continued until September 30, at a total cost of $224 million and after delivery of 2,323,738 tons of food, fuel, machinery, and other supplies. The end to the blockade was brought about because of countermeasures imposed by the Allies on East German communications and, above all, because of the Western embargo placed on all strategic exports from the Eastern bloc. As a result of the blockade and airlift, Berlin became a symbol of the Allies' willingness to oppose further Soviet expansion in Europe.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 16:11
冷战起源的美国角度： http://www.coldwarchina.com/mgyj/lzqy/index.html作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-10 16:12
冷战起源的苏联角度： http://www.coldwarchina.com/slyj/index.html作者: zhishan 时间: 2007-1-11 21:16
研究这方面的人还是不少的作者: aimecc 时间: 2007-1-12 10:13
顶~~作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:52
Comecon
Byname of Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) , also called (from 1991) Organization for International Economic Cooperation organization established in January 1949 to facilitate and coordinate the economic development of the eastern European countries belonging to the Soviet bloc. Comecon's original members were the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Albania joined in February 1949 but ceased taking an active part at the end of 1961. The German Democratic Republic became a member in September 1950 and the Mongolian People's Republic in June 1962. In 1964 an agreement was concluded enabling Yugoslavia to participate on equal terms with Comecon members in the areas of trade, finance, currency, and industry. Cuba, in 1972, became the 9th full member and Vietnam, in 1978, became the 10th. Headquarters were established in Moscow. After the democratic revolutions in eastern Europe in 1989, the organization largely lost its purpose and power, and changes in policies and name in 1990–91 reflected the disintegration.
Comecon was formed under the aegis of the Soviet Union in 1949 in response to the formation of the Committee of European Economic Cooperation in Western Europe in 1948. Between 1949 and 1953, however, Comecon's activities were restricted chiefly to the registration of bilateral trade and credit agreements among member countries. After 1953 the Soviet Union and Comecon began to promote industrial specialization among the member countries and thus reduce “parallelism” (redundant industrial production) in the economies of eastern Europe. In the late 1950s, after the formation of the European Economic Community in western Europe, Comecon undertook more systematic and intense efforts along these lines, though with only limited success.
The economic integration envisaged by Comecon in the early 1960s met with opposition and problems. A major difficulty was posed by the incompatibility of the price systems used in the various member countries. The prices of most goods and commodities were set by individual governments and had little to do with the goods' actual market values, thus making it difficult for the member states to conduct trade with each other on the basis of relative prices. Instead, trade was conducted mainly on a barter basis through bilateral agreements between governments.
Comecon's successes did include the organization of eastern Europe's railroad grid and of its electric-power grid; the creation of the International Bank for Economic Cooperation (1963) to finance investment projects jointly undertaken by two or more members; and the construction of the “Friendship” oil pipeline, which made oil from the Soviet Union's Volga region available to the countries of eastern Europe.
After the collapse of communist governments across eastern Europe in 1989–90, those countries began a pronounced shift to private enterprise and market-type systems of pricing. By January 1, 1991, the members had begun to make trade payments in hard, convertible currencies. Under agreements made early in 1991, Comecon was renamed the Organization for International Economic Cooperation, each nation was deemed free to seek its own trade outlets, and members were reduced to a weak pledge to “coordinate” policies on quotas, tariffs, international payments, and relations with other international bodies.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:52
Cominform
formally Communist Information Bureau , or Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties , Russian Informatsionnoye Byuro Kommunisticheskikh i Rabochikh Party agency of international communism founded under Soviet auspices in 1947 and dissolved by Soviet initiative in 1956.
The Communist Information Bureau was founded at Wilcza Góra, Pol., in September 1947, with nine members—the communist parties of the U.S.S.R., Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, France, and Italy. The most vehement supporters of the Cominform were the Yugoslav communists under the leadership of Tito; therefore, Belgrade was selected as the seat of the organization. Mounting tension, however, between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union led ultimately to the expulsion of Tito's party from the Cominform in June 1948, and the seat of the bureau was moved to Bucharest, Rom.
The Cominform's activities consisted mainly of publishing propaganda to encourage international communist solidarity. The French and Italian parties were ineffective in carrying out the chief task assigned to them by the Cominform—to obstruct the implementation of the Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine. Like the Third International (Comintern) in its later phases, the Cominform served more as a tool of Soviet policy than as an agent of international revolution.
On April 17, 1956, as part of a Soviet program of reconciliation with Yugoslavia, the Soviets disbanded the Cominform.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:53
Ideology of the Cold War
What came to be called the Cold War in the 1950s must be understood, to a large extent, as an ideological confrontation, and, whereas Communism is manifestly an ideology, the “non-Communism,” or even the “anti-Communism,” of the West is negatively ideological. To oppose one ideology is not necessarily to subscribe to another, although there is a strong body of opinion in the West that feels that the free world needs a coherent ideology if it is to resist successfully an opposing ideology.
The connection between international wars and ideology can be better expressed in terms of a difference of degree rather than of kind: some wars are more ideological than others, although there is no clear boundary between an ideological and nonideological war. An analogy with the religious wars of the past is evident, and there is indeed some historical continuity between the two types of war. The Christian Crusades against the Turks and the wars between Catholics and Protestants in early modern Europe have much in common with the ideological conflicts of the contemporary period. Religious wars are often communal wars, as witness those between Hindus and Muslims in India; but an “ideological” element of a kind can be discovered in many religious wars, even those narrated in the Old Testament, in which the people of Israel are described as fighting for the cause of righteousness—fighting, in other words, for a universal abstraction as distinct from a local and practical aim. In the past this “ideological” element has in the main been subsidiary; what is characteristic of the modern period is that the ideological element has become increasingly dominant, first in the religious wars (and the related diplomacy) that followed the Reformation and then in the political wars and diplomacy of recent times.
Maurice Cranston作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:54
Curzon Line
demarcation line between Poland and Soviet Russia that was proposed during the Russo-Polish War of 1919–20 as a possible armistice line and became (with a few alterations) the Soviet-Polish border after World War II.
After World War I the Allied Supreme Council, which was determining the frontiers of the recently reestablished Polish state, created a temporary boundary marking the minimum eastern frontier of Poland and authorized a Polish administration to be formed on the lands west of it (Dec. 8, 1919). That line extended southward from Grodno, passed through Brest-Litovsk, and then followed the Bug River to its junction with the former frontier between the Austrian Empire and Russia. Whether eastern Galicia, with Lvov, should be Polish or Ukrainian was not decided.
When a subsequent Polish drive eastward into the Ukraine collapsed, the Polish prime minister, W?adys?aw Grabski, appealed to the Allies for assistance (July 1920). On July 10, 1920, the Allies proposed an armistice plan to Grabski, designating the line of Dec. 8, 1919, with a southwestward continuation to the Carpathian Mountains, keeping Przemy?l for Poland but ceding eastern Galicia; the following day the British foreign secretary, Lord Curzon, whose name was subsequently attached to the entire line, made a similar suggestion to the Soviet government. Neither the Poles nor the Soviets, however, accepted the Allied plan. The final peace treaty (concluded in March 1921), reflecting the ultimate Polish victory in the Russo-Polish War, provided Poland with almost 52,000 square miles (135,000 square kilometres) of land east of the Curzon Line.
Although the Curzon Line, which had never been proposed as a permanent boundary, lost significance after the Russo-Polish War, the Soviet Union later revived it, claiming all the territory east of the line and occupying that area (in accordance with the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of 1939) at the outbreak of World War II. Later, after Germany had invaded the Soviet Union, the Red Army pushed back the German troops and occupied all of the former state of Poland by the end of 1944; the United States and Great Britain then agreed to Soviet demands (Yalta Conference; Feb. 6, 1945) and recognized the Curzon Line as the Soviet-Polish border. On Aug. 16, 1945, a Soviet-Polish treaty officially designated a line almost equivalent to the Curzon Line as their mutual border; in 1951 some minor frontier adjustments were made.
寇松线：系1919年巴黎和会上英国勋爵寇松提出的波兰东部临时分界线，以所有波兰民族居住区划入波兰为原则。当时波兰政府拒绝接受此线，导致与沙俄武装冲突，结果于1921年签订里加条约，据此划定的边界，寇松引以东大片领土归入波兰。作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:54
Iron Curtain
the political, military, and ideological barrier erected by the Soviet Union after World War II to seal off itself and its dependent eastern European allies from open contact with the West and other noncommunist areas. The term Iron Curtain had been in occasional and varied use as a metaphor since the 19th century, but it came to prominence only after it was used by the former British prime minister Winston Churchill in a speech at Fulton, Missouri, U.S., on March 5, 1946, when he said of the communist states, “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.”
The restrictions and the rigidity of the Iron Curtain were somewhat reduced in the years following Joseph Stalin's death in 1953, although the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 restored them. The Iron Curtain largely ceased to exist in 1989–90 with the communists' abandonment of one-party rule in eastern Europe.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:54
Kennan, George F.
Born February 16, 1904, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, U.S. died March 17, 2005, Princeton, New Jersey. In full George Frost Kennan American diplomat and historian best known for his successful advocacy of a “containment policy” to oppose Soviet expansionism following World War II.
Upon graduation from Princeton in 1925, Kennan entered the foreign service. He was sent overseas immediately and spent several years in Geneva; Berlin; Tallinn, Estonia; Riga, Latvia; and other “listening posts” around the Soviet Union, with which the United States had no diplomatic relations at the time. Anticipating the establishment of such relations, the State Department sent Kennan to the University of Berlin in 1929 to immerse himself in the study of Russian thought, language, and culture. He completed his studies in 1931 and in 1933 accompanied U.S. ambassador William C. Bullitt to Moscow following U.S. recognition of the Soviet government. Two years later he was assigned to Vienna, and he finished the decade with posts in Prague and Berlin.
Interned briefly by the Nazis at the outbreak of World War II, Kennan was released in 1942 and subsequently filled diplomatic posts in Lisbon and Moscow during the war. It was from Moscow in February 1946 that Kennan sent a cablegram, known as the “Long Telegram,” that enunciated the containment policy. The telegram was widely read in Washington, D.C., and brought Kennan much recognition. Later that year he returned to the United States, and in 1947 he was named director of the State Department's policy-planning staff.
Kennan's views on containment were elucidated in a famous and highly influential article, signed “X,” that appeared in Foreign Affairs magazine for July 1947, analyzing in detail the structure and psychology of Soviet diplomacy. In the article Kennan, who drew heavily from his Long Telegram, questioned the wisdom of the United States' attempts to conciliate and appease the Soviet Union. He suggested that the Russians, while still fundamentally opposed to coexistence with the West and bent on worldwide extension of the Soviet system, were acutely sensitive to the logic of military force and would temporize or retreat in the face of skillful and determined Western opposition to their expansion. Kennan then advocated U.S. counterpressure wherever the Soviets threatened to expand and predicted that such counterpressure would lead either to Soviet willingness to cooperate with the United States or perhaps eventually to an internal collapse of the Soviet government. This view subsequently became the core of U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union.
Kennan accepted appointment as counselor to the State Department in 1949, but he resigned the following year to join the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton. He returned to Moscow in 1952 as U.S. ambassador but came back to the United States the following year after the Russians declared him persona non grata for remarks he made about Soviet treatment of Western diplomats. In 1956 he became permanent professor of historical studies at the institute in Princeton, a tenure broken only by a stint as U.S. ambassador to Yugoslavia (1961–63). In the late 1950s Kennan revised his containment views, advocating instead a program of U.S. “disengagement” from areas of conflict with the Soviet Union. He later emphatically denied that containment was relevant to other situations in other parts of the world—e.g., Vietnam.
A prolific and acclaimed author, Kennan won simultaneous Pulitzer Prizes and National Book Awards for Russia Leaves the War (1956) and Memoirs, 1925–1950 (1967). Other autobiographies include Memoirs, 1950–1963 (1972), Sketches from a Life (1989), and At a Century's Ending: Reflections, 1982–1995 (1996). Kennan, who received numerous honours, was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1989.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:54
lend-lease
system by which the United States aided its World War II allies with war materials, such as ammunition, tanks, airplanes, and trucks, and with food and other raw materials. President Franklin D. Roosevelt had committed the United States in June 1940 to materially aiding the opponents of fascism, but, under existing U.S. law, Great Britain had to pay for its growing arms purchases from the United States with cash. By the summer of 1940, the new British prime minister, Winston Churchill, was warning that his country could not pay cash for war materials much longer.
In order to remedy this situation, Roosevelt on Dec. 8, 1940, proposed the concept of lend-lease, and the U.S. Congress passed his Lend-Lease Act in March 1941. This legislation gave the president the authority to aid any nation whose defense he believed vital to the United States and to accept repayment “in kind or property, or any other direct or indirect benefit which the President deems satisfactory.” Though lend-lease had been authorized primarily in an effort to aid Great Britain, it was extended to China in April and to the Soviet Union in September. The principal recipients of aid were the British Commonwealth countries (about 63 percent) and the Soviet Union (about 22 percent), though by the end of the war more than 40 nations had received lend-lease help. Much of the aid, valued at $49,100,000,000, amounted to outright gifts. Some of the cost of the lend-lease program was offset by so-called reverse lend-lease, under which Allied nations gave U.S. troops stationed abroad about $8,000,000,000 worth of aid.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:55
McCarthy, Joseph R.
Born Nov. 14, 1908, near Appleton, Wis., U.S. died May 2, 1957, Bethesda, Md.
In full Joseph Raymond McCarthy U.S. senator who dominated the early 1950s by his sensational but unproved charges of Communist subversion in high government circles. In a rare move, he was officially censured for unbecoming conduct by his Senate colleagues (Dec. 2, 1954), thus ending the era of McCarthyism.
A Wisconsin attorney, McCarthy served for three years as a circuit judge (1940–42) before enlisting in the Marines in World War II. In 1946 he won the Republican nomination for the Senate in a stunning upset primary victory over Senator Robert M. LaFollette, Jr.; he was elected that autumn and again in 1952.
McCarthy was a quiet and undistinguished senator until February 1950, when his public charge that 205 Communists had infiltrated the State Department created a furor and catapulted him into headlines across the country. Upon subsequently testifying before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, he proved unable to produce the name of a single “card-carrying Communist” in any government department. Nevertheless, he gained increasing popular support for his campaign of accusations by capitalizing on the fears and frustrations of a nation weary of the Korean War and appalled by Communist advances in eastern Europe and China. McCarthy proceeded to instigate a nationwide, militant anti-Communist “crusade”; to his supporters, he appeared as a dedicated patriot and guardian of genuine Americanism, to his detractors, as an irresponsible, self-seeking witch-hunter who was undermining the nation's traditions of civil liberties.
McCarthy was reelected in 1952 and obtained the chairmanship of the Government Committee on Operations of the Senate and of its permanent subcommittee on investigations. For the next two years he was constantly in the spotlight, investigating various government departments and questioning innumerable witnesses about their suspected Communist affiliations. Although he failed to make a plausible case against anyone, his colourful and cleverly presented accusations drove some persons out of their jobs and brought popular condemnation to others. The persecution of innocent persons on the charge of being Communists and the forced conformity that this practice engendered in American public life came to be known as McCarthyism. Meanwhile, less flamboyant government agencies actually did identify and prosecute cases of Communist infiltration.
McCarthy's increasingly irresponsible attacks came to include President Dwight D. Eisenhower and other Republican and Democratic leaders. His influence waned in 1954 as a result of the sensational, nationally televised, 36-day hearing on his charges of subversion by U.S. Army officers and civilian officials. This detailed television exposure of his brutal and truculent interrogative tactics discredited him and helped to turn the tide of public opinion against him.
When the Republicans lost control of the Senate in the midterm elections that November, McCarthy was replaced as chairman of the investigating committee. Soon after, the Senate felt secure enough to formally condemn him on a vote of 67 to 22 for conduct “contrary to Senate traditions,” and McCarthy was largely ignored by his colleagues and by the media thereafter.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:55
National Security Council ( (NSC) )
U.S. agency within the Executive Office of the President, established by the National Security Act in 1947 to advise the president on domestic, foreign, and military policies related to national security. The president of the United States is chairman of the NSC; other members include the vice president and the secretaries of state and defense. Advisers to the NSC are the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and other officials whom the president may appoint with Senate approval. The NSC staff is headed by a special assistant for national security affairs, who generally acts as a close adviser of the president. The NSC provides the White House with a useful foreign policy-making instrument that is independent of the State Department. In the late 1980s, covert illegal activities by members of the NSC caused the scandal known as the Iran-Contra Affair (q.v.).作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:55
Oder–Neisse Line
Polish–German border devised by the Allied powers at the end of World War II; it transferred a large section of German territory to Poland and was a matter of contention between the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and the Soviet bloc for 15 years.
At the Yalta Conference (February 1945) the three major Allied powers—Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States—moved back Poland's eastern boundary with the Soviet Union to the west, placing it approximately along the Curzon Line. Because this settlement involved a substantial loss of territory for Poland, the Allies also agreed to compensate the reestablished Polish state by moving its western frontier farther west at the expense of Germany.
But the western Allies and the Soviet Union sharply disagreed over the exact location of the new border. The Soviets pressed for the adoption of the Oder-Neisse Line—i.e., a line extending southward from ?winouj?cie on the Baltic Sea, passing west of Szczecin, then following the Oder (Polish: Odra) River to the point south of Frankfurt where it is joined by the Lusatian Neisse (Polish: Nysa ?u?ycka) River, and proceeding along the Neisse to the Czechoslovakian border, near Zittau. The United States and Great Britain warned that such a territorial settlement not only would involve the displacement of too many Germans but also would turn Germany into a dissatisfied state anxious to recover its losses, thereby endangering the possibilities of a long-lasting peace. Consequently, the western Allies proposed an alternate border, which extended along the Oder River and then followed another Neisse River (the Glatzer Neisse, or Nysa K?odzka), which joined the Oder at a point between Wroc?aw (Breslau) and Opole. No decision on the German-Polish border was reached at Yalta.
By the time the Allied leaders assembled again at the Potsdam Conference in July–August 1945, the Soviet Red Army had occupied all the lands east of the Soviet-proposed Oder-Neisse Line, and the Soviet authorities had transferred the administration of the lands to a pro-Soviet Polish provisional government. Although the United States and Great Britain strenuously protested the unilateral action, they accepted it and agreed to the placement of all the territory east of the Oder-Neisse Line under Polish administrative control (except the northern part of East Prussia, which was incorporated into the Soviet Union). The Potsdam conferees also allowed the Poles to deport the German inhabitants of the area to Germany. But they left the drawing of the final Polish-German border to be determined by a future peace conference.
The German Democratic Republic (East Germany) signed a treaty with Poland at Zgorzelec (German: G?rlitz) on July 6, 1950, that recognized the Oder-Neisse Line as its permanent eastern boundary. West Germany insisted, however, that the line was only a temporary administrative border and was subject to revision by a final peace treaty. West Germany continued to refuse to recognize the line until 1970. At that time, the West German government, which for several years had been striving to improve its relations with the eastern European states, signed treaties with the Soviet Union (Aug. 12, 1970) and Poland (Dec. 7, 1970) acknowledging the Oder-Neisse Line as Poland's legitimate and inviolable border. This recognition was confirmed in the negotiations leading to German reunification in 1990.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:55
Open Door policy
statement of principles initiated by the United States (1899, 1900) for the protection of equal privileges among nations trading with China and in support of Chinese territorial and administrative integrity. The statement was issued in the form of circular notes dispatched by U.S. Secretary of State John Hay to Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Japan, and Russia. The Open Door policy was received with almost universal approval in the United States, and for more than 40 years it was a cornerstone of American foreign policy.
The principle that all nations should have equal access to any of the ports open to trade in China had been stipulated in the Anglo-Chinese treaties of Nanking and Wanghia (1842–44). Great Britain had greater interests in China than any other power and successfully maintained the policy of the open door until the late 19th century. After the first Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), however, a scramble for “spheres of influence” in various parts of coastal China—primarily by Russia, France, Germany, and Great Britain—began. Within each of these spheres the controlling major power claimed exclusive privileges of investment, and it was feared that each would likewise seek to monopolize the trade. Moreover, it was generally feared that the breakup of China into economic segments dominated by various great powers would lead to complete subjection and the division of the country into colonies.
The crisis in China coincided with several major developments in the United States. A new interest in foreign markets had emerged there following the economic depression of the 1890s. The United States also had just gained the Philippines, Guam, and Hawaii as a result of the Spanish-American War and was becoming increasingly interested in China, where American textile manufacturers had found markets for cheap cotton goods.
The 1899 Open Door notes provided that: (1) each great power should maintain free access to a treaty port or to any other vested interest within its sphere; (2) only the Chinese government should collect taxes on trade; and (3) no great power having a sphere should be granted exemptions from paying harbour dues or railroad charges. The replies from the various nations were evasive, but Hay interpreted them as acceptances.
In reaction to the presence of European armies in North China to suppress the Boxer Rebellion, Hay's second circular of 1900 stressed the importance of preserving China's territorial and administrative integrity. Hay did not ask for replies, but all the powers except Japan expressed agreement with those principles.
Japan violated the Open Door principle with its presentation of Twenty-one Demands to China (1915). The Nine-Power Treaty after the Washington Conference (1921–22) reaffirmed the principle, however. The Manchurian crisis of 1931 and the war between China and Japan in 1937 led the United States to adopt a rigid stand in favour of the Open Door policy, including the cutting off of supplies to Japan. Japan's defeat in World War II and the communist victory in China's civil war (1949), which ended all special privileges to foreigners, made the Open Door policy meaningless.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:56
Potsdam Conference
(July 17–Aug. 2, 1945), Allied conference of World War II held at Potsdam, a suburb of Berlin. The chief participants were U.S. President Harry S. Truman, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill (or Clement Attlee, who became prime minister during the conference), and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin.
The conferees discussed the substance and procedures of the peace settlements in Europe but did not attempt to write peace treaties. That task was left to a Council of Foreign Ministers. The chief concerns of the Big Three, their foreign ministers, and their staffs were the immediate administration of defeated Germany, the demarcation of the boundaries of Poland, the occupation of Austria, the definition of the Soviet Union's role in eastern Europe, the determination of reparations, and the further prosecution of the war against Japan. The amity and good will that had largely characterized former wartime conferences was missing at Potsdam, for each nation was most concerned with its own self-interest, and Churchill particularly was suspicious of Stalin's motives and unyielding position.
The Potsdam Conference's Declaration on Germany stated, “It is the intention of the Allies that the German people be given the opportunity to prepare for the eventual reconstruction of their life on a democratic and peaceful basis.” The four occupation zones of Germany conceived at the Yalta Conference were set up, each to be administered by the commander-in-chief of the Soviet, British, U.S., or French army of occupation. Berlin, Vienna, and Austria were also each divided into four occupation zones. An Allied Control Council made up of representatives of the four Allies was to deal with matters affecting Germany and Austria as a whole. Its policies were dictated by the “five Ds” decided upon at Yalta: demilitarization, denazification, democratization, decentralization, and deindustrialization. Each Allied power was to seize reparations from its own occupation zones, although the Soviet Union was permitted 10–15 percent of the industrial equipment in the western zones of Germany in exchange for agricultural and other natural products from its zone.
Poland's boundary became the Oder and Neisse rivers in the west, and the country received part of former East Prussia. This necessitated moving millions of Germans in those areas to Germany. The governments of Romania, Hungary, and Bulgaria were already controlled by communists, and Stalin was adamant in refusing to let the Allies interfere in eastern Europe. While in Potsdam, Truman told Stalin about the United States' “new weapon” (the atomic bomb) that it intended to use against Japan. On July 26 an ultimatum was issued from the conference to Japan demanding unconditional surrender and threatening heavier air attacks otherwise. After Japan had rejected this ultimatum, the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The protocols of the Potsdam Conference suggested continued harmony among the Allies, but the deeply conflicting aims of the Western democracies on the one hand and the Soviet Union on the other in fact meant that Potsdam was to be the last Allied summit conference.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:56
The Red Scare
Truman's last years in office were marred by charges that his administration was lax about, or even condoned, subversion and disloyalty and that communists, called “reds,” had infiltrated the government. These accusations were made despite Truman's strongly anticommunist foreign policy and his creation, in 1947, of an elaborate Federal Employee Loyalty Program, which resulted in hundreds of federal workers being fired and in several thousand more being forced to resign.
The excessive fear of communist subversion was fed by numerous sources. China's fall to communism and the announcement of a Soviet atomic explosion in 1949 alarmed many, and fighting between communist and U.S.-supported factions in Korea heightened political emotions as well. Real cases of disloyalty and espionage also contributed, notably the theft of atomic secrets, for which Soviet agent Julius Rosenberg and his wife Ethel were convicted in 1951 and executed two years later. Republicans had much to gain from exploiting these and related issues.
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin stood out among those who held that the Roosevelt and Truman administrations amounted to “20 years of treason.” In February 1950 McCarthy claimed that he had a list (whose number varied) of State Department employees who were loyal only to the Soviet Union. McCarthy offered no evidence to support his charges and revealed only a single name, that of Owen Lattimore, who was not in the State Department and would never be convicted of a single offense. Nevertheless, McCarthy enjoyed a highly successful career, and won a large personal following, by making charges of disloyalty that, though mostly undocumented, badly hurt the Democrats. Many others promoted the scare in various ways, leading to few convictions but much loss of employment by government employees, teachers, scholars, and people in the mass media.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:58
柏林危机Berlin crises
Formally Warsaw Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, And Mutual Assistance (May 14, 1955–July 1, 1991) treaty establishing a mutual-defense organization (Warsaw Treaty Organization) composed originally of the Soviet Union and Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. (Albania withdrew in 1968, and East Germany did so in 1990.) The treaty (which was renewed on April 26, 1985) provided for a unified military command and for the maintenance of Soviet military units on the territories of the other participating states.
The immediate occasion for the Warsaw Pact was the Paris agreement among the Western powers admitting West Germany to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Warsaw Pact was, however, the first step in a more systematic plan to strengthen the Soviet hold over its satellites, a program undertaken by the Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev and Nikolay Bulganin after their assumption of power early in 1955. The treaty also served as a lever to enhance the bargaining position of the Soviet Union in international diplomacy, an inference that may be drawn by the concluding article of the treaty, which stipulated that the Warsaw agreement would lapse when a general East-West collective-security pact should come into force.
The Warsaw Pact, particularly its provision for the garrisoning of Soviet troops in satellite territory, became a target of nationalist hostility in Poland and Hungary during the uprisings in those two countries in 1956. The Soviet Union invoked the treaty when it decided to move Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia in August 1968 to bring the Czechoslovak regime back into the fold after it had begun lifting restraints on freedom of expression and had sought closer relations with the West. (Only Albania and Romania refused to join in the Czechoslovak repression.)
After the democratic revolutions of 1989 in eastern Europe, the Warsaw Pact became moribund and was formally declared “nonexistent” on July 1, 1991, at a final summit meeting of Warsaw Pact leaders in Prague, Czech. Deployed Soviet troops were gradually withdrawn from the former satellite countries, now politically independent countries; and the decades-long confrontation between eastern and western Europe was formally rejected by members of the Warsaw Pact.作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 09:59
北大西洋公约组织North Atlantic Treaty Organization
第二次世界大战后美国谋求世界霸权的扩张计划的总纲。1947年3月12日,美国总统H.S.杜鲁门在致国会的关于援助希腊和土耳其的咨文中，提出了以“遏制共产主义”作为国家政治意识形态和对外政策指导思想。这个咨文被称为“杜鲁门主义”。在咨文中他说明了援助希、土的直接原因是美国要接替英国、填补东地中海的真空；进而指出任何国家的人民革命运动和民族解放运动都“危害着国际和平的基础和美国的安全”，宣称世界已分为两个敌对的营垒,一边是“极权政体”,一边是“自由国家”，每个国家都面临着两种不同生活方式的抉择；因而宣布“美国的政策必须是支持那些正在抵抗武装的少数人或外来压力的征服企图的自由民族”，即美国要承担“自由世界”抗拒共产主义的使命，充当世界宪兵的角色。他还认为如果丧失希腊，就会立刻危及土耳其和整个中东，“影响不仅远及东方，而且远及西方”。这就是多米诺骨牌理论的早期说法。因此，他要求国会立即采取果断行动，向希腊和土耳其提供 4亿美元的军事援助。1947年 5月22日，杜鲁门正式签署《援助希、土法案》。根据该法案，1947～1950年，美国援助希、土两国6.59亿美元。由美国出钱出枪，重新武装和改编希腊政府军队。1949年，在美军军官指挥下扑灭了希腊人民革命。
杜鲁门主义是美国对外政策的重大转折点。当时它与马歇尔计划共同构成美国对外政策的基础，标志着资本主义世界霸权从英国转到美国手中，标志着美苏两国由战时的盟国变为战后的敌国，标志着美国政府第一次公开宣布将“冷战”作为国策。在此后25年内，杜鲁门主义一直支配着美国的对外政策。
（李存训）作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 10:00
共产党和工人党情报局Cominform；Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers’Parties；
美国共和党参议员。1908年11月14日生于威斯康星州的一个小城镇。1935年毕业于马克特大学。后在威斯康星州当律师，并当过巡回法庭法官(1940～1942)。第二次世界大战期间，在海军陆战队服役。1946年在威斯康星州当选为美国参议员。
1950年2月9日他在西弗吉尼亚州惠林城发表煽动演说,虚构“共产主义威胁”和“共产党的渗透”活动,声称有 205名共产党的“颠覆分子”已经钻进国务院及其他政府机构，要求进行清洗。麦卡锡的演说得到一些财团、**组织和社会右翼势力的支持。共和党人也曾把麦卡锡作为党派斗争的工具,攻击执政的民主党总统,掀起全国性的激烈的**“十字军运动”，开始了麦卡锡的政治****。1950年 3月《华盛顿邮报》发表一幅漫画，在象征专门从事诽谤活动的圆形泥浆桶上写着“麦卡锡主义”几个大字，由此“麦卡锡主义”和麦卡锡煽起的政治****活动同名。麦卡锡利用参议院常设调查小组委员会主席和政府工作委员会主席的职权在朝野上下搜集黑名单，制造恐怖舆论，进行非法审讯，采取各种法西斯手段诽谤、攻击、****民主进步力量和无辜人士。造成指控O.拉铁摩尔等人的“共产党间*”案和****“原子弹之父”J.R.奥本海默案，清洗国务院中对中国***持较客观态度的“中国通”费正清、谢伟思、范宣德、柯乐博等，麦卡锡的猖狂活动不仅激起各界人士的义愤，也引起了统治集团的恐惧。1954年4～6月在陆军听证会辩论中麦卡锡被击败。1954年12月 2日参议院以67对22
票正式通过了谴责麦卡锡的决议。麦卡锡被撤除参议院两机构主席职务。1957年5月2日病死。（黄安年）作者: 杀猪的 时间: 2007-1-15 10:01
苏美英法分区占领德国Soviet Union, United States, United Kingdom and France Respective Occupation of Regions in Germany