政治学与国际关系论坛

标题: 中等发达国家——中国的历史性课题 (中英) [打印本页]

作者: haodongqi    时间: 2009-3-20 03:59
标题: 中等发达国家——中国的历史性课题 (中英)
中等发达国家——中国的历史性课题

李熙玉 成均馆大学政治外交系教授 | 2009.03.10 09:14
中国将于今年10月迎来建国60周年的庆典。从各种经济指标来看,中国正在逐渐成为一个中等发达国家。中国国家统计局发布数据显示,2008年中国人均国内生产总值为3266美元。去年爆发了世界经济危机,中国实体经济受到了严重的冲击。同时,暴雪等严重的自然灾害也造成了巨大的经济损失。考虑到这些因素,中国能够取得这样的经济增长是很惊人的。笔者认为,这是中国采取了适当的发展政策,并且拥有贯彻制度的能力的必然结果。

但是中国早早地进入中等发达国家行列之后,面临了很多新的问题。因为按照普遍的历史经验,一个社会的现代化与政治的近代化具有深刻的关系,对于经济发展的期待必然会导致民众要求政治实现制度化 。即使在中国,共产党的权威也正在开始变得世俗化,从底层出现了各种各样的政治要求。一部分学者以及共产党党员认为必须采取竞争式的政党体制,而对现实抱有批判态度的知识分子以及市民团体正为要求实现民主化而进行着更加频繁的活动。中国在发展的道路上,逐渐发展成为了一个充斥着城乡差异、地域差异、收入差异等一系列差异的不平衡的社会。基尼系数是反映收入分配不平等程度的数据,而中国的基尼系数达到了0.495,已经进入了公认的危险阶段。据相关统计显示,中国去年发生的群体性事件超过12万件。这一数据有力地证明了中国社会存在着严峻的问题。

中国现在的长期目标是在2050年成为发达国家,到2020年建设成为全面小康社会,使人民“不仅解决温饱问题,并且能够享受富裕的生活”。但是中国也面临了新的课题,必须解决“中等发达国家症候群”的相关问题。

作为中等发达国家的中国:光明与阴影同在

当然,中国当局处理危机的反应速度正在加快。中国国家主席胡Jintao去年年底纪念改革开放30周年时曾经指出,现在的危机与前苏联的解体以及1989年****当时的局面有相似之处。为了摆脱国有的、以经济增长为主要目标的发展战略,实现可持续的发展,中国***提出了“科学发展观”这一全新的意识形态名词。为了改变官僚化的政党与国家体制,中国***正在逐步实现党内民主,致力于提高政策决定的透明性以及权力继承的可预测性。虽然中国***选择了渐进式的改革模式,但是有关方面已经公开宣称“民主是个好东西”。同时,为了从根本上对公务员队伍进行改革,中国***已经宣布将与腐败展开斗争。以上举措并不是仅仅为了转移民众的不满,实施这些措施的根源是深刻的问题意识。中国***已经意识到腐败会对市场经济产生抑制作用,很可能成为经济发展的绊脚石。

只有克服“中等发达国家症候群”才能实现飞跃

虽然必须实行政治改革,但是面对当前这场世界经济危机所带来的不确定因素,中国必须控制好施行改革的幅度。不仅如此,中国的问题已经不再是中国自己的问题,国际社会对这一实情的考虑很可能使问题变得更加复杂,同时还可能引起新的瓶颈问题。仅仅依靠恢复共产党的统治力或者操纵民族主义以及爱国主义,这些问题不可能得到妥善的解决。中国面临着历史性的课题,必须实现经济发展的步伐与政治发展的步伐相一致,必须克服“成功的悖论”。中国已经开始准备将在2012年召开共产党第18届全国代表大会。这届大会将成为展现作为中等发达国家的中国的未来蓝图的试金石。

从历史上看,强大国家的崛起是将危机转变成机会的结果。中国如果能够克服阻碍其成为中等发展国家的瓶颈问题,实现全新的飞跃,那么中国就等于是向世界证明了其发展模式的正确性。中国的成功甚至有可能成为巨大的推动力,将世界人民一直所向往的“国际关系的民主化”变成现实。美国国家情报委员会评论认为,全球性的金融危机并不是导致世界权力发生转移的原因,而只是加速了正在发生的变化。这一评论是对上述可能性的一种概括。中国正在发生的巨变,迫切地要求韩国不能够仍然只是“隔江而望”,而必须具备强大的想象力以及战略性的智慧。

韩国中央日报中文网 http://cn.joins.com

[Outlook]China’s next steps
As history has shown us, the modernization of a country is related to its political development.
March 10, 2009
China, a country that will celebrate its 60th anniversary in October this year, has announced that it is approaching the threshold of becoming a semi-developed country. The country’s statistics office announced that as of the end of 2008, the country’s gross domestic product per capita was $3,266. China has been standing at a forked road between Korea’s golden development model and the Latin American model in which there is growth but no development. Now, the Asian giant is worried about the side effects of its development.

Last year’s growth was stunning, considering that China’s real economy was seriously affected by the global economic crisis and that natural disasters such as heavy snowfalls caused economic losses. That result was possible because China is equipped with the proper policies and institutions needed for development.

Now, China must establish new strategies other than its primary goals of building an advanced nation by 2050, and of creating a well-off society in which prosperity can be enjoyed by all by 2020.

But the fact that China is getting to the semi-developed level earlier than expected is now causing new concerns. As history has shown us, the modernization of a country is linked to its political development. Preparing for economic progress usually necessitates new political institutions.

In China, the Communist Party’s authority has already begun to focus more on mundane economic affairs, and a range of political demands have been bubbling up from the bottom of society. Some scholars and government officials call for the introduction of a competitive political party system, and calls for democracy by critical intellectuals and civic organizations are increasing.

Gaps in Chinese society - such as in incomes, and between urban and rural areas - have been widening. China’s Gini index, a measure of inequality of income distribution or wealth distribution, has already reached 0.495. The country’s inequality is approaching a very serious level and could end up in a crisis. Statistics show that last year there were more than 120,000 protest demonstrations, revealing the seriousness of the social issues China now faces.

Chinese authorities are responding more quickly to the effects stemming from becoming a semi-developed country. Late last year, on the 30th anniversary of reforms and the opening of the country, President Hu Jintao saw the present crisis as being as serious as the Soviet Union’s collapse or the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests.

China’s authorities have already abandoned strategies focusing on growth, putting in their place a new ideology for scientific development in order to achieve sustainable growth. In order to change the bureaucratized system, they have established a democracy inside the Communist Party to increase transparency in policy-making processes and predictability in leadership transitions. Although they have adopted incrementalism, they say democracy is a good thing, indicating that political doors may be opened.

They also declared war against corruption in order to thoroughly reform the culture among civil servants. This is not a temporary or arbitrary measure to calm discontent in society. This is based on awareness that corruption can paralyze a market economy and hinder economic growth.

Despite such efforts, uncertainty caused by the global economic crisis puts limits on the space in which China has to maneuver. As its issues are no longer strictly domestic, the international community quickly makes calculations about them, making the issues more complicated and creating new phenomena.

This situation cannot be resolved by the restoration of Communist Party control or by the magic of Sino-centrism or patriotism. It imposes a historic task in which the pace of economic growth must be matched with that of political development. Preparations for the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China have already begun, and the event will present a blueprint for a semi-developed China.

In history, strong countries emerged by turning crisis into opportunity. If China can remove the obstacles that lie in its path to becoming a semi-developed country, it will be able to prove that the Chinese model works.

As such, it will be able to establish a foundation for democracy in international relations, something the country has desperately longed for. The possibility of this was implied in the United States National Intelligence Council’s evaluation that the global financial crisis did not cause a power shift but accelerated the shift that has already begun.

As changes in China’s concern our country as well, we need to use our imagination and strategic wisdom when approaching the situation.

by Lee Hee-ok
作者: 小顾    时间: 2009-3-20 15:52
顶一个




欢迎光临 政治学与国际关系论坛 (http://bbs.newslist.com.cn/) Powered by Discuz! X3.2